Roman Public LifeGreenidge, A. H. J. (Abel Hendy Jones)
History
Roman Public Life
Greenidge, A. H. J. (Abel Hendy Jones)
Constitutional history -- Rome; Rome -- Politics and government
But if the king’s power was legally free from restraint, and we do not
believe that there was any large body of _leges_ binding his authority,
it could not have been free from the limitations imposed by custom and
constitutional usage. Customary law securing rights for the people
is said to have been raised to the level of positive law by Servius
Tullius.[231] But even the earlier usages must have formed a kind of
code—such a code as that which contained the pontifical ordinances
known as the _leges regiae_.[232] It was the belief in the existence
of this early customary law which led to the later description of the
king’s power as an _imperium legitimum_.[233] Amongst his constitutional
obligations was that of consulting the Senate in any important matter.
There can be little doubt that the original council of elders (_senatus_)
was a body of nominees selected by the king as his permanent advising
body (_consilium publicum_).[234] In consequence the position of senator
could not have been a life-office; there could neither have been any
definite mode of attaining the dignity, nor any claim on the part of
an individual to retain it. A new king might decline to summon some
of his predecessor’s councillors; he might even, perhaps, change the
_personnel_ of his advisers during the course of his reign. It was in
later times believed that the freedom of selection was so great that no
stigma attached to members who were “passed over” (_praeteriti_) by the
king.[235]
Yet tradition attributes a definiteness to the Senate which is not
consistent with the idea of a purely arbitrary selection. Its numbers at
any given time are fixed, and it is to some extent made representative
of the whole patrician community—for an increase in the number of full
burgesses involved a corresponding increase in the numbers of this
body.[236] The number, originally 100,[237] was raised by successive
steps to 300 before the close of the monarchy.[238] The two obvious units
of representation were the _curiae_ and the clans; but the latter, from
their larger numbers, formed a better basis for reflecting the opinion of
the whole community, and tradition does seem to have imposed a kind of
constitutional necessity on the king of distributing his councillors as
evenly as possible amongst the patrician _gentes_.[239] It was thus that
the distinction between the older and the newer clans was perpetuated
in the procedure of the Senate;[240] but the clan-influence left its
strongest mark by giving a name to the members of the body itself. It was
the leading heads of families (_patres familias seniores_) that the king
summoned; and, in asking their advice, he addressed them as “heads of
houses” (_patres_).
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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