Roman Public LifeGreenidge, A. H. J. (Abel Hendy Jones)
History
Roman Public Life
Greenidge, A. H. J. (Abel Hendy Jones)
Constitutional history -- Rome; Rome -- Politics and government
The primitive Senate is credited with two standing powers—the _patrum
auctoritas_ and the initiation of an _interregnum_. Neither of these
prerogatives was directly contemplated by the constitution, and the
Senate never becomes a corporation possessing powers in its own right
until the time of the Empire. Tradition mentions the “authority of the
fathers” as being necessary for the appointment of a new king; it leaves
it to be inferred that it was required for the validity of laws as well,
an inference probably not true of the period of the monarchy. As we
have already explained, it was a legal right only in so far as it was
an extreme instance of the necessity the magistrate was under of taking
advice. Perhaps towards the close of the monarchy, with reference to
the choice of a successor to the throne, custom had made it a standing
prerogative. The _interregnum_ rests on a somewhat different basis; it
was a power which religion enjoined should be in the hands of the whole
patrician community—usage had delegated the power to the patrician
Senate; so here again we have a prerogative which rested wholly on custom.
A privilege only less constant than these was probably the control of
foreign policy. The formula of the Fetiales, which is said to have dated
from their institution during the monarchy, contains the clause: “But
on these matters we will consult the elders at home, how we may obtain
our rights.”[241] It was thus the duty of the king to consult the Senate
in all matters affecting the international relations of the state. For
a declaration of war, perhaps, even this was not sufficient. Tradition
believed that, in this matter, reference must be made to the people
assembled in the _comitia curiata_.[242]
On the other hand, the right of making treaties (_foedera_) with states
could not have been limited in this way. For the treaty made in time of
peace the Senate, and perhaps the people, were consulted; but this could
hardly have been the case with the treaty which closed a war and which
was made on the field of battle. In the Republic there survives a shadowy
and disputed right of the _imperator_ in the field to make a treaty which
shall bind the people. The right was denied, but only on the ground that
the general could not take an oath binding on the public conscience. But
the king was at once general and high-priest; he could doubtless take
this oath even without the assistance of his servants, the Fetiales.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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