have acquired with so much heroism--if you have cooled towards these
gallant islanders, why then I am sorry for you, that is all I can
say."[157]
Alas, by this time the gallant islanders had been driven out of
Rousseau's mind by personal mishaps. First, Voltaire or some other
enemy had spread the rumour that the invitation to become the Lycurgus
of Corsica was a practical joke, and Rousseau's suspicious temper
found what he took for confirmation of this in some trifling incidents
with which we certainly need not concern ourselves.[158] Next, a very
real storm had burst upon him which drove him once more to seek a new
place of shelter, other than an island occupied by French troops. For
France having begun by despatching auxiliaries to the assistance of
the Genoese (1764), ended by buying the island from the Genoese
senate, with a sort of equity of redemption (1768)--an iniquitous
transaction, as Rousseau justly called it, equally shocking to
justice, humanity, reason, and policy.[159] Civilisation would have
been saved one of its sorest trials if Genoa could have availed
herself of her equity, and so have delivered France from the
acquisition of the most terrible citizen that ever scourged a
state.[160]
The condemnation of Rousseau by the Council in 1762 had divided Geneva
into two camps, and was followed by a prolonged contention between his
partisans and his enemies. The root of the contention was political
rather than theological. To take Rousseau's side was to protest
against the oligarchic authority which had condemned him, and the
quarrel about Emilius was only an episode in the long war between the
popular and aristocratic parties. This strife, after coming to a
height for the first time in 1734, had abated after the pacification
of 1738, but the pacification was only effective for a time, and the
roots of division were still full of vitality. The lawfulness of the
authority and the regularity of the procedure by which Rousseau had
been condemned, offered convenient ground for carrying on the dispute,
and its warmth was made more intense by the suggestion on the popular
side that perhaps the religion of the book which the oligarchs had
condemned was more like Christianity than the religion of the
oligarchs who condemned it.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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