Salve Venetia, gleanings from Venetian history; vol. ICrawford, F. Marion (Francis Marion)
History
Salve Venetia, gleanings from Venetian history; vol. I
Crawford, F. Marion (Francis Marion)
Venice (Italy) -- History
There is not the slightest truth in the story that Jacopo Loredan ever
held the Foscari family responsible for the death of his father, who was
probably poisoned by Visconti, nor that he entered the crime as a debt
in his ledger, and wrote ‘paid’ opposite the entry when the elder
Foscari was deposed. Yet it is true that a sort of feud had long existed
between the two families, that Pietro Loredan had been the unsuccessful
candidate when Foscari had been elected, and that Jacopo Loredan now
took an active part in the proceedings against Jacopo Foscari.
The trial was not in any way a secret one. The evidence was only
circumstantial, and even under torture Jacopo confessed nothing. In
modern England or America he would not have been tortured, but he would
in all probability have been hanged for the murder. The Ten must have
felt the difficulty in which they were placed, and they met it by
condemning him to exile in Crete, not allowing his wife and children to
accompany him. Foscari was then taken from the ducal palace and placed
on board a ship, which conveyed him to his destination. He remained in
Crete unmolested during five years.
[Sidenote: _1456._]
Here, again, dramatists and writers of fiction have invented an
extraordinary tale. It is narrated that Jacopo, being unable to bear the
loneliness of exile, deliberately wrote a letter, in which he appealed
for help, to Francesco Sforza, then Duke of Milan, intending that the
missive should fall into the hands of the Ten, in order that the Council
might have him brought back to Venice to be tried; and we are asked to
believe that he risked the agonies of torture for the sake of once more
seeing his own people. What actually happened seems to be that Jacopo
had become intimate in his exile with certain Genoese, through whom he
attempted to establish a correspondence with Mohammed II., the conqueror
of Constantinople, in the hope that the Sultan would send a galley on
which he might escape from Crete. If he had succeeded, the Turkish
vessel would certainly not have brought him to Venetian waters.
Venice had suffered much in her commerce by the Mohammedan conquest; a
number of her citizens had fought in the last defence of Constantinople,
and some had been afterwards murdered in cold blood by the Sultan’s
orders. An agreement had subsequently been reached, it is true, but the
Ten could hardly be expected to look with leniency on a secret
correspondence between the son of her Doge and the despot of the
Osmanlis.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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