Schools of Gaul in the last century of the Western Empire : $b A study of pagan and Christian education in the last century of the Western empireHaarhoff, T. J. (Theodore Johannes)
History
Schools of Gaul in the last century of the Western Empire : $b A study of pagan and Christian education in the last century of the Western empire
Haarhoff, T. J. (Theodore Johannes)
Education, Ancient -- France; Gaul -- History -- 58 B.C.-511 A.D.
As we look back on the long line of rhetorical teachers, we can trace
an increasing degree of narrowness and futility. The conditions of life
in the city-state had made public speaking a practical and personal
necessity. What Isocrates strove to do in his rôle as pamphleteer was
to raise oratory from the personal to the national level, to connect
education with statesmanship,[914] and to unify it by setting before it
the ideal of a united Greece. The sphere of rhetoric in his view was wide
and humane.[915] It is true that he himself was a theorist, unskilled
in the practical issues of politics.[916] He was what Crito in the
_Euthydemus_ called a ‘Boundary Stone’—one who tried to combine practical
politics and philosophy, avoiding the extremes of each. His attempt was
unpopular, though ultimately he succeeded, for his school became the
university of Greece.[917] But the ideal which he put forward had a real
inspiration, and had none of the cramping restrictions of later rhetoric.
Moreover, he taught the unity of moral and intellectual education: ‘The
more strongly a man desires to persuade his audience’ (the intellectual
practice of the rhetorical school) ‘the more will he train himself in
culture of mind and manners and in gaining the esteem of his fellow
citizens.’[918] Speech is regarded as the instrument of Persuasion, from
which all the blessings of human society proceed,[919] and its function
is to advance civilization by educating the ignorant and testing the wise.
Such was the high educational ideal of Isocrates, and we find much of it
reflected in Cicero, his admirer and his imitator. The breadth of view is
not impaired. For Cicero maintains that the power of eloquence is such
that it embraces the rise, the force, the vicissitudes of all affairs,
virtues, and duties; of everything in nature—character, mind, life. It
defines the moral code, the principles of law and right. It regulates
the State, and on every subject and in all its relations its words are
many and eloquent.[920] There is the same attempt to connect rhetoric
with politics, the same insistence that intellectual issues (_doctrina
bene dicendi_) cannot be separated from moral ones (_doctrina recte
faciendi_).[921] Wide and all-round knowledge is required of the orator:
‘mea quidem sententia, nemo poterit esse omni laude cumulatus orator,
nisi erit omnium rerum magnarum atque artium scientiam consecutus.’[922]
Yet Cicero was a panegyrist, and he followed the artificial rules of the
game in exactly the same way as the Gallic rhetoricians of the third and
fourth centuries did; and when he warns against spending too much time on
philosophy,[923] which may be lightly learned, he says, we feel that he
is giving rein to a natural Roman tendency to discount thought, and that
this tendency proved the bane of rhetoric.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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