Schools of Gaul in the last century of the Western Empire : $b A study of pagan and Christian education in the last century of the Western empireHaarhoff, T. J. (Theodore Johannes)
History
Schools of Gaul in the last century of the Western Empire : $b A study of pagan and Christian education in the last century of the Western empire
Haarhoff, T. J. (Theodore Johannes)
Education, Ancient -- France; Gaul -- History -- 58 B.C.-511 A.D.
The emperor is at pains to kindle enthusiasm for jurisprudence. He
exhorts the students to exert all diligence, so that on the completion
of their studies the glorious hope of governing the Empire may be
theirs.[495] For, as Gibbon remarks, ‘all the civil magistrates were
drawn from the profession of the law.’[496] _Antecessores_[497] or
lecturing lawyers were appointed throughout the Empire, and the places
where they taught were called ‘stationes’.[498] The course, at any rate
in the time of Justinian, lasted five years (_Constitution_, ‘Omnem
Reipublicae’, § 5). Learned lawyers like Antistius Labeo under Augustus
lectured for six months and devoted six months to writing.[499] When the
students dispersed themselves through the provinces there was no lack of
opportunity to practise their profession. The court of the Praetorian
prefect of the East alone required the services of one hundred and fifty
advocates,[500] and the rewards so liberally promised by Justinian for
the ‘laudabile vitaeque hominum necessarium advocationis officium’[501]
must have created a vast interest in the study of law.
Whether it was the fault of the teachers or of the pupils or of the
social conditions, it is clear that lawyers had a bad name in the fourth
as well as in the fifth century. The vivid and caustic description of
Ammianus is well known.[502] He is suspicious of legal cunning and has
the soldier’s impatience of rhetoric. We must therefore allow something
for his prejudices. But his analysis cannot be wholly false. We may
discount his language when he describes the profession as consisting of
‘violenta et rapacissima genera hominum’, but when he enumerates these
classes and gives each its special characteristics, we feel that he may
exaggerate but that he does not invent. The first class consists of
mischief-makers and robbers, ‘odia struentes infesta’. Their oratory
is empty and artificial: ‘eloquentiam inanis quaedam imitatur fluentia
loquendi’. The second class consists of fraudulent people who make a
superstition and a mystery of the law, increasing its entanglements,
‘velut fata natalicia praemonstrantes’, in order to enhance their own
importance. Thirdly, there are the unscrupulous advocates who are always
ready to sacrifice truth to money or fame. Finally, we have ‘a shameless
race, perverse and ignorant—men who, having run away from school too
young, scurry about in the nooks and corners of various states’.[503]
Cicero is the ideal—‘excellentissimus omnium Cicero’—and Ammianus regards
the practice of his day as erring from the good of the past.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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