Schools of Gaul in the last century of the Western Empire : $b A study of pagan and Christian education in the last century of the Western empireHaarhoff, T. J. (Theodore Johannes)
History
Schools of Gaul in the last century of the Western Empire : $b A study of pagan and Christian education in the last century of the Western empire
Haarhoff, T. J. (Theodore Johannes)
Education, Ancient -- France; Gaul -- History -- 58 B.C.-511 A.D.
Confirmation of the point in this criticism which most nearly touches
education comes from an unexpected source. Sidonius, the rhetorical,
the obscure, the vendor of subtle argument, associates ‘obscurity’ with
the lawyers as a special characteristic.[504] Nor does he seem to think
them particularly helpful. He sends a man, who has a case about a will,
to Bishop Leontius, and begs him to see that justice is done, using his
episcopal authority, if the lawyers will not help the client.[505]
Finally, there is medicine. When Denk maintains[506] that there was no
faculty of medicine in the provinces, he cannot mean to exclude medical
study as a subject of secondary education. There was probably no separate
school of medicine,[507] but Ausonius definitely mentions the ‘medica
ars’ as one of the Bordeaux professors’ titles to fame.[508] In former
days Massilia had given to Gaul the medical tradition of the Greeks,
just as Greece had given it to Rome. A certain Crinas, who lived in
the reign of Nero, is said (though apparently only by Bulaeus) to have
been the first to advance the study of medicine at Massilia, and we
gather from Pliny that he introduced astrology into his medicine and
gained an immense name and fortune.[509] Galen twice mentions Claudius
Abascantus[510] of Lyons, who probably flourished under Augustus, as a
doctor of prominence, and Eutropius of Bordeaux appears among the writers
on medicine in the fourth century.[511] Julius Ausonius, the father of
the poet, was the court physician of Valentinian I. At the beginning
of the fifth century we find Marcellus Empiricus[512] of Bordeaux
composing a book of prescriptions, ‘compositiones medicamentorum’. He
gives many Celtic plant-names, Druidical beliefs, and a large number
of ἅπαξ εἰρημένα and provincialisms.[513] As in the case of astrology,
superstition plays a large part: certain herbs are to be picked with
the left hand, or while muttering some magic formula like ‘rica, rica,
soro’.[514] It is partly for this reason that Ausonius refers to the
‘libros medicinae’ as books closed to the vulgar, and that his eccentric
aunt took up the study of medicine.[515] There seems to have been no
organized system of medical study, and we do not even possess any details
of the procedure in a particular case. It seems reasonable to suppose
that the practical part of the profession was acquired by apprenticeship,
while the rhetor confronted the student with such parts of the medical
theory as could be found in the writings of Galen (who was the central
authority) and his successors.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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