Science and Medieval Thought: The Harveian Oration Delivered Before the Royal College of Physicians, October 18, 1900Allbutt, T. Clifford (Thomas Clifford)
Philosophy
Science and Medieval Thought: The Harveian Oration Delivered Before the Royal College of Physicians, October 18, 1900
Allbutt, T. Clifford (Thomas Clifford)
Philosophy, Medieval
of passionate genius under harsh duress did not make a naturally
rebellious temper more tractable. “Fames et mora bilem conciunt.” It
is evident that within the Franciscan order there were three
well-marked parties; namely, of the naturalists, as Bacon; of the
mystics, as Bonaventura; and of the sophists, as John Duns the
Northumbrian. Now Bacon’s troubles did not begin till the succession
to the Generalship of the Order of the seraphic Bonaventura, an
argumentative mystic (like Duns, and unlike the ecstatic mystics of St
Victor), who, rejecting Aristotle, had steeped himself in the
neo-platonism of Augustine and “Dionysius the Areopagite”; and
Bonaventura and his party it was who stopped Bacon’s mouth at Oxford,
and shut him up in Paris. What the life of Bacon and the direction of
medieval thought might have been had Grosseteste been able to spare
Adam Marsh from Oxford for the Generalship it were perhaps too curious
to consider; yet we may profitably remember that Bacon, brushing aside
Porphyry and his questions, and denouncing the “vain physics” of
Paris, urged that enquiry should begin with the simplest objects of
research, and rise gradually to the higher and higher; every
observation being controlled by experiment. He says indeed that by
experiment only can we distinguish a sophism from a demonstration.
(Op. Tert. XIX.) Earnestly he tried to follow this method; he seems to
have spent on it substance of his own, and, after this was exhausted,
to have appeared for the first time in history as a petitioner for
“scientific grants in aid.” Diderot speaks of Bacon as “Un des génies
les plus surprenants que la nature ait produits, et un des hommes les
plus malheureux”; he lived in vain, died unhonoured, and left no
disciple.
[60] “Colliget,” Mr E. G. Browne tells me, is a corruption of
Kulliyyat. It does not exactly mean “Summary” (as commonly stated) but
rather “General Principles” (Kull means “the whole”; Kulli universal
or general; fem. pl. Kulliyyat). It may also mean collected writings
(e.g. of a poet).
[61] Vid. p. 50.
[62] I venture to say “even of Caius,” though Caius was a competent
and indeed for his time an able clinical physician, as we observe in
his work on the sweating sickness. (Vid. note, p. 96.)
[63] Oxford fell in the first instance under Franciscan influence, yet
Alexander Hales (of this order) gave the peripatetic bent to Oxford
which it retains to this day. Creed rather than conduct was the
dominant note of the Faith (p. 85); it is interesting therefore to
learn that for Oxford Robert of Lincoln and Adam Marsh translated, or
procured a translation of, the Ethics. On the probability that
Grosseteste had some substantial knowledge of Greek, see p. 75, note
2.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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