Germany -- Foreign relations -- Turkey; Turkey -- Foreign relations -- Germany; World War, 1914-1918 -- Turkey
In view of what was happening in Belgium and Northern France at that
moment, my use of the word “modern” was a little unfortunate. Enver
quickly saw the point. Up to this time he had maintained his usual
attitude of erect and dignified composure, and his face, as always, had
been attentive, imperturbable, almost expressionless. Now in a flash his
whole bearing changed. His countenance broke into a cynical smile; he
leaned over, brought his fist down on the table, and said:
“Modern! No, however Turkey shall wage war, at least we shall not be
‘modern.’ That is the most barbaric system of all. We shall simply try
to be decent!”
Naturally I construed this as a promise. I understood the changeableness
of the Turkish character well enough, however, to know that more than a
promise was necessary. The Germans were constantly prodding the Turkish
officials, persuading them to adopt the favourite plan of operations
against enemy aliens. Germany had revived many of the principles of
ancient and medieval warfare, one of her most barbaric resurrections
from the past being this practice of keeping certain representatives of
the population, preferably people of distinction and influence, as
hostages for the “good behaviour” of others. At this moment the German
military staff was urging the Turks to keep foreign residents for this
purpose. Just as the Germans held non-combatants in Belgium as security
for the “friendliness” of the Belgians, and placed Belgian women and
children at the head of their advancing armies, so the Germans in Turkey
were now planning to use French and British residents as part of their
protective system against the Allied fleet. That this sinister influence
was constantly at work I well knew; it was, therefore, necessary that I
should meet it immediately, and, if possible, gain the upper hand at the
very start. I decided that the departure of the Entente diplomats and
residents from Constantinople would really put to the test my ability to
protect the foreign residents. If all the French and English who really
wished to leave could safely get out of Turkey I believed that this
demonstration would have a restraining influence, not only upon the
Germans, but upon the underlings of the Turkish official world.
As soon as I arrived at the railroad station, the day following the
break, I saw that my task was not to be a simple one. I had arranged
with the Turkish authorities for two trains: one for the English and
French residents, which was to leave at seven o’clock, and one for the
diplomats and their staff, which was to go at nine. But the arrangement
was not working according to schedule. The station was a surging mass of
excited and frightened people; the police were there in full force,
pushing the crowds back; the scene was an indescribable mixture of
soldiers, gendarmes, diplomats, baggage, and Turkish functionaries.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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