Kossuth, in reply, noticed that the toast with which he had been
honoured was almost entirely personal; and while disclaiming merit, he
was nevertheless induced to advert to personal incidents, (now generally
known,) as,--how he published in MS. the Hungarian debates,--was
unlawfully imprisoned for it, and learned English in prison by means of
Shakespeare; how when he was necessarily released, the government
imposed an unlawful censorship on his journal, which journal
nevertheless became the basis of the great and extensive reforms which
received their completion in the laws of March and April, 1848. After
this he proceeded as follows:--
Gentlemen, allow me to say a few words on the ancient institutions of
Hungary. I have often heard it said that the people of Europe are
incapable of self-government. Let me speak of the people of Hungary, to
show whether they are capable of self-government or not. In thirty-six
years, with God's help, and through your generous aid, the free people
of Hungary will celebrate the 1000th anniversary of the establishment of
their home--the millennium of Hungary in Europe. Yes, gentlemen, may I
hope that celebration will take place under the blessings of liberty in
the year 1889?
It is a long period--one thousand years--and Oh! how it has teemed with
adversities to my countrymen! and yet through this long time, amid all
adversities there was no period when the people of Hungary did not
resist despotism. Our boast is, that through the vicissitudes of a
thousand years there was not a moment when the popular will and the
legal authorities had sanctioned the rule of absolutism. And, gentlemen,
what other people, for 1000 years, has not consented to be ruled by
despotism? Even in the nineteenth century I am glad to look back to the
wisdom of our fathers through a thousand years--who laid down for
Hungarian institutions a basis which for all eternity must remain true.
This basis was upon that Latin proverb _nil de nobis, sine
nobis_--"nothing about us without us." That was, to claim that every
man should have a full share in the sovereignty of the people and a full
share in the rights belonging to his nation. In other times a theory was
got up to convince the people that they might have a share in
_legislation_ just so far as to control that legislation, but
denying the right of the people to control the _executive_ power.
The Hungarian people never adopted that theory. They ever claimed a full
share in the _executive_ as well as in the legislative and judicial
power. Out of this idea of government rose the municipal system of
Hungary. In respect to Hungarian aristocracy, you must not consider it
in the same light as the aristocracy of England. The word
_nobleman_ in Hungary originally was equivalent to _soldier_.
Every man who defended his country was a nobleman, and every man who had
a vote was called to defend his country. I believe the duty of
defending a man's country, and also political right, should be common.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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