#ēa# is regularly _ea_, beate b 31, deade 41, eadmode b 119, greatluker b 157, reaflac 15, but _e_ in chepeð b 12, chepilt b 11, cwedschipe b 93, eð b 214, edscene b 147, and _a_ in chaffere b 11, chapmon b 12, shortening due to stress on following syllable: its _i_-umlaut is _e_ (Anglian), bemen 39, 76, bemere 42, bemin 43, dremen b 206, ȝeme b 190, ȝemeles 10 &c., ȝemeð 16, ȝemen b 98, iȝemen b 90, ihereð 53, leue b 174, b 207, leue b 36, misleue b 182, lefunge 7; but greattre b 67 is #grēatra#. #ēo# is _eo_, beon 4, cneon b 150, feondes 92, feorðe 21, but _e_ in seke b 108, secnesse b 111, before #c#. The absence of its _i_-umlaut is Anglian, deore 71, feond _s. d._ 34 &c., neod b 1, neodeð 88, istreonede 23; _e_ in nedlunge b 8, tene b 112. Absence of palatalization, characteristic of Mercian, after #ġ#, #sć# is seen in ȝer b 101, schende b 52 (Bülbring § 289), schon b 38, but scheos b 39, ischeoed b 40. #ȝīet# is ȝet b 193, the second element in edscene b 147, is #gesīene#. #a# + #g# is _ah_, dahes b 105, drahe b 53, draheð 36, mahen 50 &c.; isleine 33 is #geslegen#; seið 46, 89, #sægð#; dreaieð b 233 (comp. dreaien 147/153, dreihen, 146/122) descends from *#dreagaþ#, form with _å_-umlaut (WS. #dragaþ#). #æ# + #g# is regularly _ei_, deies b 21, feier b 123, heiward b 6, mei 4 &c., meiden b 96, seide 46, b 117, iseid 26: mahe b 148, b 180 comes from LWS. #mage#. #e# + #g# is also _ei_, abreiden 75, aȝein 5 (#ongegn#), toȝeines b 56, eie b 18, eili b 9, leið b 152, pleien 67, b 139, b 146, pleieð 64, but plohien b 218 which descends with shifted accent from *#pleogan# with _å_-umlaut (comp. #pleogede# in a SW. Mercian text of Bede, ed. Miller, ii. 82). The MS. has in other places pleien as above, but the noun in Morton’s text pleowe 184/4, pleouwe 218/8 is in MS. A regularly plohe, in MS. C ploȝe. #i# + #g#, #h#, pliht b 97, ipliht 18, sihðe b 61, onsihðe b 55, wriheles b 49, but sygaldren 6: lið 71, b 93 is #līþ# < #ligeð#, _il_ in ilespiles b 31, #īl# < #igil#. In twien b 210 from #twiga# the spirant has disappeared, as in monie b 168. Final #ig# is regularly _i_, bisi b 89, dusi 18. #o# + #h#, #g# is _oh_, bitohe b 225, dohter b 52, but dehtren b 15 with _e_ from the dative singular. #u# + #g#, duhen b 59, muhen b 44: #y# + #g#, #h#, buð b 11, b 187, drihtines 41, b 206. #ā# + #g#, #h#, ah 17, ahne b 61, ahnes b 207, ahte b 181, lahe b 141, b 152, wah b 58. #ǣ{1}# + #g#, #h#, ahte 84, bitaht 16, tahte b 75, but eiðer 53 (#ǣgþer#). #ē# + #g#, iueitsomet b 168, iheiet b 234: #ī# + #h#, wrihen b 50 (*#wrīhan# _inf._), wriheð b 58: #ō# + #g#, inoh b 79, inohreaðe b 41, ibroht b 214, þohten 39. #ea# + #ht#: lahtre 50, mahte b 213 come from Anglian forms in #æ#; the _i_-umlaut gives mihte b 230, niht b 215, but _a_ in lahhen b 139, lahheð 97, monslaht 24 also represents Anglian #æ#. #eo# + #ht#, riht 51, rihten b 99: sist b 57, sið b 89, b 159 are Anglian forms corresponding to WS. #siehst#, #siehð# with _i_-umlaut (Bülbring § 217).