Serpent-Worship, and Other Essays, with a Chapter on TotemismWake, C. Staniland (Charles Staniland)
Religion
Serpent-Worship, and Other Essays, with a Chapter on Totemism
Wake, C. Staniland (Charles Staniland)
Phallicism; Serpent worship; Totemism
It could be shown without difficulty that the opinion entertained by
the writers I have referred to, that the primitive condition of man was
one of communal marriage, is untenable, and if I am correct in this
conclusion, there will be no occasion to consider the argument that
“marriage by capture” depended on such a social condition. The idea
that “marriage by capture” originated in the necessity for exogamy,
arising from infanticide or some other practice, is more plausible,
and such an explanation of the custom may be accepted where it is
not universal in a tribe, but resorted to only in particular cases or
under special conditions. The capture of wives among the Australian
aborigines is expressly accounted for by Oldfield as being due to the
scarcity of women. But where forcible marriage can be traced to the
action of individual caprice it must be treated as exceptional, and
some other explanation must be sought for the widespread practices
which are supposed to prove the former prevalence of that custom. From
this standpoint Mr. M’Lennan’s explanation is far from satisfactory,
as may be shown by analysis of the incidents attendant on “marriage by
capture,” as practised by different peoples.
It is true that sometimes the carrying off of the bride is resisted
by her friends, and is attended in some cases, as among the Welsh
down to a comparatively recent period, by a sham fight between them
and the friends of the bridegroom; although among other peoples, as
with the Khonds of India, the protection of the bride is left to
her female companions. In the great majority of cases cited by Sir
John Lubbock, however, the suitor forcibly removes the bride without
any hindrance from her friends. Occasionally, as with the Tunguses,
the New Zealanders, and the Mandingos, she strongly resists. Among
other peoples, as with the Esquimaux, the resistance is usually only
pretended, and is thus analogous to the sham fight already referred to.
In all these cases alike, however, it is the girl only who has to be
conquered, and if the resistance were real it would depend on herself
whether or not she should be captured. There are other incidents of
this forcible marriage which have more significance than has hitherto
been attached to them. Among the New Zealanders, if the girl who
is being carried off can break away from her captor and regain her
father’s house, the suitor loses all chance of ever obtaining her in
marriage. So, also, among the Fijians, if a woman does not approve of
the man who has taken her by force to his house, she leaves him for
some one who can protect her. Among the Fuegians the girl who is not
willing to accept her would-be husband does not wait to be carried off,
but hides herself in the woods, and remains concealed until he is tired
of looking for her. According to Mongol custom, the bride hides herself
with some of her relations, and the bridegroom has to search for and
find her.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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