Slavery and four years of war : $b a political history of slavery in the United States, together with a narrative of the campaigns and battles of the Civil War in which the author took part, 1861-1865. Vols. 1-2Keifer, Joseph Warren
History
Slavery and four years of war : $b a political history of slavery in the United States, together with a narrative of the campaigns and battles of the Civil War in which the author took part, 1861-1865. Vols. 1-2
Keifer, Joseph Warren
Slavery -- United States; United States -- History -- Civil War, 1861-1865 -- Campaigns
This eloquent, patriotic, word-picture of _dissolution_, intended
to deter those who so impetuously and glibly talked of it, was not,
as the sequel proved, overdrawn. When delivered it was not generally
believed that a dissolution of the Union could or would be attempted.
In the Presidential campaigns of 1856 and 1860, as well as in
Congress, there was much eloquence displayed in line with the above;
few of the orators, however, believed that dissolution, with all
the wild terrors of war, was near at hand. But there were some
men in public life who early comprehended the destiny awaiting the
politically storm-racked Republic, and as it approached, boldly
gave the opinion that "_a little blood-letting would be good for
the body politic_."(131)
The story of the war which secession inaugurated remains to be in
part narrated in succeeding chapters, portraying the impetuous rush
to battle; the unparalleled heroism of the mighty hosts on either
side; the slaughter of men; the hell of suffering; the bitter tears;
the incalculable sorrow; the billions expended; the destruction of
property; the alternating defeats and triumphs; the final victory
of the Union arms; the overthrow of state-rights, nullification,
secession--disunion; the emancipation of four million human slaves,
and the annihilation in the United States of the institution of
slavery, including all its baleful doctrines, whether advanced by
partisan, pro-slavery statesmen, or advocated by learned politicians,
or upheld by church or clergy in the name of the prophets of Holy
Writ or of Christ and his Apostles, or expounded by a tribunal
clothed in the ermine, majesty, dignity, and power of the Supreme
Court of the United States of America.
Abraham Lincoln, whose beautiful character is illumined in the
intense light of a third of a century of heightened civilization,
will be immortalized through all time as God's chiefest instrument
in accomplishing the end.
In closing this chapter we desire again to remind the reader that
in 1861 the Congress of the United States, by a two thirds majority
in each branch, voted to so amend the Constitution as to make
forever unalterable its provisions for the recognition and perpetuation
of human bondage; that if the amendment thus submitted had been
ratified by three fourths of the States, this nation would have
been the first and only one in the history of the world wherein
the right to enslave human beings was fundamental and decreed to
be eternal.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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