Slavery and four years of war : $b a political history of slavery in the United States, together with a narrative of the campaigns and battles of the Civil War in which the author took part, 1861-1865. Vols. 1-2Keifer, Joseph Warren
History
Slavery and four years of war : $b a political history of slavery in the United States, together with a narrative of the campaigns and battles of the Civil War in which the author took part, 1861-1865. Vols. 1-2
Keifer, Joseph Warren
Slavery -- United States; United States -- History -- Civil War, 1861-1865 -- Campaigns
Webster, like Clay, did not survive to witness the next great
discussion in Congress on the slavery question, which resulted in
overturning much that was supposed to have been settled; nor did
they live to hear thundered from the supreme judicial tribunal of
the Union the appalling doctrines of the Dred Scott decision.
Webster died October 24, 1852. Benton lived to condemn the great
tribunal for this decision in most vehement terms. He died April
10, 1858. But few of the leading participants of the 1850 debates
lived to witness the final overthrow of slavery. Lewis Cass,
however, who, though a Democrat, generally followed and supported
Clay in his plan of compromise, not only lived to witness the birth
of the new doctrine of "Squatter Sovereignty" (and to support it),
but to hear that slavery was, according to our Supreme Court, almost
national; then to see disunion in the _live tree;_ then war; then
slaves proclaimed free as a war measure; then disunion overthrown
on the battle-field; then restoration of a more perfect Union,
wherein slavery and involuntary servitude was forbidden by the
Constitution.(78)
In the succeeding Presidential election (1852) the two great parties
endorsed the late action of Congress in relation to the Territories
and slavery.
The Whig platform declared the acquiescence of the party in all
its acts: "The act known as the Fugitive Slave Law included. . . .
as a settlement in principle and substance of the dangerous and
exciting questions which they embrace. . . . We will maintain them
and insist on their strict enforcement."
On this platform General Winfield Scott was nominated for the
Presidency.
The Democratic platform of the same year, having first denied that
Congress had power under the Constitution to interfere with slavery
in the States, declared also that the party would "abide by and
adhere to a faithful execution of the acts known as the Compromise
measures settled by the last Congress,--the act for reclaiming
fugitives from service or labor included."
Franklin Pierce, of New Hampshire, a subordinate officer (Brigadier-
General) under Scott in Mexico, of no special renown, but a polite
and respectable gentleman, was nominated and elected on this platform
by a decided vote; Scott carrying only Massachusetts, Vermont,
Kentucky, and Tennessee. The "Free-Soil" party nominated John P.
Hale of New Hampshire on a platform repudiating the Compromise
measures, declaring against the aggressions of the slave power and
for:
"No more slave States, no slave territory, no nationalized slavery,
and no national legislation for the extradition of slaves. That
slavery is a sin against God, and a crime against man, which no
human enactment or usage can make right; and that Christianity,
humanity, and patriotism alike demand its abolition.
"That the Fugitive Slave Act of 1850 is repugnant to the Constitution,
to the principles of the common law," etc.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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