Slavery and four years of war : $b a political history of slavery in the United States, together with a narrative of the campaigns and battles of the Civil War in which the author took part, 1861-1865. Vols. 1-2Keifer, Joseph Warren
History
Slavery and four years of war : $b a political history of slavery in the United States, together with a narrative of the campaigns and battles of the Civil War in which the author took part, 1861-1865. Vols. 1-2
Keifer, Joseph Warren
Slavery -- United States; United States -- History -- Civil War, 1861-1865 -- Campaigns
Chase and Giddings of Ohio were its authors; some verbal additions,
however, were made to it by Sumner and Gerritt Smith.(83)
This _Appeal_ was signed by S. P. Chase, Charles Sumner, Joshua R.
Giddings, Edward Wade, Gerritt Smith, and Alexander De Witt; three
at least of whom were then, or soon became first among the great
statesmen opposed to human slavery. The _Appeal_ declared the new
Nebraska Bill would "open all the unorganized Territories of the
Union to the ingress of slavery." A plot to convert them "into a
dreary region of despotism, inhabited by masters and slaves," to
the exclusion of immigrants from the Old World and free laborers
from our own States. It reviewed the history of Congressional
legislation on slavery in the Territories, reciting, among other
things, that President Monroe approved the Missouri Compromise
after his Cabinet had given him a written opinion that the section
restricting slavery was constitutional.
John Quincy Adams, Secretary of State, John C. Calhoun, Secretary
of War, Wm. H. Crawford, Secretary of the Treasury, and Wm. Wirt,
Attorney-General--three from slave States--then constituted Monroe's
Cabinet.
The _Appeal_ warningly proceeded:
"The dearest interests of freedom and the Union are in imminent
peril. Demagogues may tell you that the Union can be maintained
only by submitting to the demands of slavery. We tell you that
the Union can only be maintained by the full recognition of the
just claims of freedom and man. When it fails to accomplish these
ends it will be worthless, and when it becomes worthless it cannot
long endure. . . . Whatever apologies may be offered for the
toleration of slavery in the States, none can be offered for its
extension into the Territories where it does not exist, and where
that extension involves the repeal of ancient law and the violation
of solemn compact.
"For ourselves, we shall resist it by speech and vote, and with
all the abilities which God has given us. Even if overcome in the
impending struggle, we shall not submit. We shall go home to our
constituents, erect anew the standard of freedom, and call on the
people to come to the rescue of the country from the dominion of
slavery. We will not despair; for the cause of human freedom is
the cause of God."
These patriotic expressions electrified the whole country. The
North was aroused to their truth, the South seized upon them as
threats of disunion, and still louder than before, if possible,
called for a united South to vindicate slavery's rights in the
Territories. Douglas attempted in the Senate to answer the _Appeal_.
This led to an acrimonious debate, participated in by Chase, Sumner,
Seward, Everett, and others, too long to be reviewed here.
Senator Benjamin F. Wade, of Ohio, took a prominent part in the
memorable debate over the Douglas-Nebraska Bill. He was bold, and
never dealt in sophistry, but in plain speech.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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