Slavery -- United States; United States -- Politics and government -- 1849-1853
Had he referred to any considerable number
of crimes perpetrated in Massachusetts, I would take his letters home
and carry them into our public schools, and make them the text for a
sermon, in which I would warn the children to beware of all crimes, and
especially of the meanness and the wickedness which feels a complacency
in the crimes of others, or can give a false paternity to them. And,
sir, I should be sure of a response; for out of those schools there
is going forth a nobler band of young men and women than ever before
conferred intelligence, virtue, refinement, and renown upon any people
or community on the face of the globe.
But whatever may be said in mitigation or in condemnation of slavery
elsewhere, there are special reasons why it should be discontinued in
this District. This District is the common property of the nation.
Having power of exclusive legislation over it, we are all responsible
for the institutions in it. While slaves exist in it, therefore, it can
be charged upon the north that they uphold slavery. This is unjust to
us, because it places us before the world in the attitude of sustaining
what we condemn. It wounds our moral and religious sensibilities,
because we believe the institution to be cruel towards men, and sinful
in the sight of Heaven; and yet we are made apparently to sanction it.
It is like that species of injustice where a man is compelled by a tax
to support a religion which he disbelieves, and to pay a hierarchy
whom his conscience compels him to denounce. But the existence of
slavery here is not necessary to the faith or the practice of our
southern brethren. If they believe it to be a useful and justifiable
institution, then they evince the sincerity of that belief by
sustaining and perpetuating it at home. For this purpose, there is no
necessity of a crusade to propagate it, or sustain it elsewhere.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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