Slavery -- United States; United States -- Politics and government -- 1849-1853
The power to seize upon escaping
slaves was one of the motives for adopting it. These considerations
demonstrate that slaves are not _property_, within the meaning of this
word, when it is affirmed that if the north can carry _its_ property
into the territories, so can the south. As the constitution, in terms,
adopts the common law, it leaves slavery nothing to stand upon but the
local laws of the states where it is established. Freedom is the rule,
slavery is the exception. Judge Berrien’s favorite doctrine of equality
would, therefore, be destroyed, if the exception should prevail over
the rule. For, if slavery can be carried into any of our territories by
force of the constitution, it can into all of them; and if carried into
all of them, the exception becomes the rule, and the rule perishes. Ay,
the rule ceases to be even so much as an exception to that which was
_its_ own exception. It is wholly swallowed up and lost.
I know it is said that the _fact_ of slavery always precedes the _law_
of slavery; that _law_ does not go before the institution and create
it, but comes afterwards to sanction and regulate it. But this is no
more true of slavery than of every other institution or practice among
mankind, whether right or wrong. Homicide existed before law; the
law came in subsequently, and declared that he who took an innocent
man’s life without law, should lose his own by law. The law came in to
regulate homicide; to authorize the taking of human life for crime,
just as we authorize involuntary servitude for crime; and it may just
as well be argued that murder is a natural right because it existed
before law, as that slavery is a natural right because it existed
before law. _This argument appeals to the crime which the law was
enacted to prevent, in order to establish the supremacy of the crime
over the law that forbids it._
There is another fallacy in the arguments which southern gentlemen use
on this subject, which, though not as transparent as the preceding,
is quite as unsound. They speak of the _rights_ of the slaveholder in
the new territories. They speak as though the collective ownership of
the territories by the government, were the ownership of the people in
severalty; as though each citizen could go there and draw a line round
a “placer,” and say _this is mine_; and then, _because it is his_,
introduce his slaves upon it. But nothing is more clear than that there
is no such _individual_ right. The right of the government is, _first_,
a right of sovereignty and jurisdiction; and _second_, the right of
ownership of all lands, navigable waters, &c., which have not been
conveyed away by the preëxisting government. Individuals retain their
citizenship on going there, as they do on going to Great Britain, or
France; but a slave has just as much right to a portion of the public
lands in California, when he gets there, as his master.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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