Slavery -- United States; United States -- Politics and government -- 1849-1853
On many accounts, I have the extremest reluctance to appear before the
public on the present occasion. My views, on some vital questions,
differ most materially from those of gentlemen for whom I have
felt the profoundest respect; and for some of whom I cherish the
strongest personal attachment. But I feel, on the other hand, that
my constituents, having intrusted to me some of their most precious
interests, are entitled to know my “views and opinions” respecting the
hopes and the dangers that encompass them. I shall not, therefore, take
the responsibility of declining.
I will premise further, that my relations to political parties, for
many years past, have left me as free from all partisan bias “as
the lot of humanity will admit.” For twelve years I held an office
whose duties required me to abstain from all active coöperation in
political conflicts; and that duty was so religiously fulfilled, that,
to my knowledge, I was never charged with its violation. During the
Presidential contest of 1848, those obligations of neutrality still
rested upon me. For a year afterwards, I was not called upon to do
any official act displeasing to any party amongst us. This interval
I employed in forming the best opinion I could of public men and
measures, and their influence upon the moral and industrial interests
of the country. I had long entertained most decided convictions in
favor of protecting American labor, in favor of cheap postage, and of
security to the lives and property of our fellow-citizens engaged in
commerce. But a new question had arisen,--the great question of freedom
or slavery in our recently acquired territories,--and this question I
deemed, for the time being, to be, though not exclusive of others, yet
paramount to them. Or rather, I saw that nothing could be so favorable
to all the last-named interests, as the proper adjustment of the first.
He who would provide for the welfare of mankind, must first provide for
their liberty.
Sympathizing, then, on different points with different parties, but
exclusively bound to none, I stood, in reference to the great question
of territorial freedom or slavery, in the position of the _true_ mother
in the litigation before Solomon, preferring that the object of my love
should be spared in the hands of any one, rather than perish in my own.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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