Slavery -- United States; United States -- Politics and government -- 1849-1853
In a chronological order, I must now consider some vitally important
views, which have been submitted by some members in the House, and by
Mr. Webster and others in the Senate. In mentioning the name of this
great statesman, and in avowing that I am one among the many whom his
recently expressed opinions have failed to convince, it is due to
myself, however indifferent it may be to him or to his friends, that I
should express my admiration of his powers, my gratitude for his past
services, and the diffidence with which I dissented, at first, from
his views. But I have pondered upon them long, and the longer I have
pondered the more questionable they appear. I shall therefore venture
upon the perilous task of inquiring into their correctness; and while I
do it with the deference and respect which belong to his character, I
shall do it also with that fidelity to conscience and to judgment that
belong to mine. He is great, but truth is greater than us all.
I shall confine myself mainly, and perhaps wholly, to Mr. Webster’s
views, because he has argued the cause of the south with vastly more
ability than it has been argued by any one among themselves. If his
conclusions, then, be not tenable, their case is lost.[9]
Mr. Webster casts away the “Proviso” altogether. He says, “_If a
resolution or a law were now before us to provide a territorial
government for New Mexico, I would not vote to put any prohibition into
it whatever_.” (p. 44.) The reason given is, that slavery is already
excluded from “California and New Mexico” “by the law of nature, of
physical geography, the law of the formation of the earth.” (p. 42.)
“California and New Mexico are Asiatic in their formation and scenery.
They are composed of vast ridges of mountains of enormous height, with
broken ridges and deep valleys.” (p. 43.)
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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