Slavery -- United States; United States -- Politics and government -- 1849-1853
the sake of peace, but not for peace itself would I surrender liberty.
It would be to suppose our merchants and manufacturers void of common
foresight, could they believe that concession now will bring security
hereafter. By yielding the moral question, they jeopard their pecuniary
interests. Should the south succeed in their present attempt upon the
territories, they will impatiently await the retirement of General
Taylor from the executive chair, to add the “State of Cuba,” with its
500,000 slaves, its ignorance and its demoralization, to their roll of
triumph. California will be a free-trade state, by the most certain of
all biases. They will have nothing to sell but gold; they will have
every thing to buy,--cradles and coffins, and all between. If New
Mexico is slave, it will also be free trade; and Cuba as certainly as
either,--though in that island facilities for smuggling will reduce
the difference between tariff and free trade to nothing. A surrender,
therefore, by our northern business men, will be most disastrous to
the very business that tempts them to surrender. Will they take no
warning from the fact that their apathy in regard to Texas repealed the
tariff of 1842? This is a low motive, I admit; but it may be set as a
back-fire to the motive by which some of them appear to be influenced.
There was no need, not a shadow of need, of perilling any principle,
nor any interest. Had the north stood firm, had they been true to the
great principles they have so often and so solemnly proclaimed, the
waves of southern violence would have struck harmless at their feet.
He is not learned in the weather who does not know that storms from
the south, though violent, are short. We are assailed now because we
have yielded before. The compromise of 1820 begat the nullification of
1832; the compromise of 1832 inspired the mad exploit of compassing
Texas, which our greater madness made sane. The moral paralysis which
failed to oppose the Mexican war, has given us the territories. If the
territories are now surrendered, we shall have Cuba, and an indefinite
career of conquest and of slavery will be opened on our south-western
border. Every new concession transfers strength from our side to the
side of our opponents; and if we cannot arrest our own course when we
are just entering the rapids, how can we arrest it when we come near
the verge of the cataract? The south may rule the Union, but they
cannot divide it. Their whole Atlantic seaboard is open to attack,
and powerless for defence; and the Mississippi River may as easily be
divided physically as politically into independent portions. With these
advantages, let us never aggress upon their rights, but let us maintain
our own.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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