Slavery -- United States; United States -- Politics and government -- 1849-1853
All civilized governments have statutes of limitations. Human welfare
requires that claims which have long been voluntarily acquiesced in,
should not be revived. Hence our laws bar a right of action, otherwise
incontrovertible, after that tacit abandonment of which the mere lapse
of time is proof. Personal rights are most generally abandoned by a six
years’ neglect to enforce them. Even real estate may be held, by twenty
years’ quiet possession, without other title. Crimes partake of this
exemption. With the single exception of murder, all crimes are barred
in Massachusetts by a six years’ delay to prosecute. But the Fugitive
Slave act knows no mercy or compassion of this kind. Unrelentingly
it fastens its clutch upon all cases. While life lasts, its fangs
strike into the flesh. The alleged slave may have been amongst us for
fifty years; he may have earned property, be married, and surrounded
by children. It is all the same. The inexorable certificate of a
commissioner remands him to bondage and despair.
The act not only remands him to bondage, but, under circumstances to
which there will be few exceptions, it orders that he be sent home at
the public expense. The constitution says, he shall be “delivered up.”
There the obligation of that instrument ceases. It is only the law that
adds, he shall be _carried back_. You and I, sir, must help pay the
costs of sending a fellow-being into bondage; when we are under no more
constitutional obligation to do so, than to pay the expenses of a slave
dealer who ships his cargoes direct from Africa.
But the bill has become a law, and the practical question now is,
how can the country be exculpated from the crime, and the dishonor.
For myself, I do not adopt the doctrine of forcible nullification. I
trust I shall never join a mob to resist a law, until I am ready for
revolution. The only true and enduring remedy is repeal. Those who
would forcibly resist the law, lose half their motive and impulse for
repeal; for if we abolish it without repealing it, it will be likely
to remain upon the statute book an eternal monument of the nation’s
disgrace. Let effort never cease, until the jury trial be obtained.
But this view of civil duty applies only to the _citizen_. It does not
touch the fugitive. One liberty the slave always has,--whenever he
deems it expedient, he may re-clothe himself in the rights which God
and nature gave him, and which, though they may be ravished from him,
can never be destroyed.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
Reviews
Reviews
No reviews yet
Be the first to share your thoughts on this work.
Elsewhere in the archive
Join the Discussion
Join the discussion
Sign in to leave a comment or review.
Sign InorCreate an account