Slavery -- United States; United States -- Politics and government -- 1849-1853
I believe I understand, gentlemen, what you wish me to do on this
occasion; and therefore I shall endeavor to lay before you, briefly
but impartially, the humble part which I, as your representative, have
taken in those events which have filled the hearts of good men with
alarm.
I would, however, premise a few words, in order to show how we have
come, step by step, to the fearful position we now occupy.
Very early in our history, as a republic established to maintain
the rights of man, an extent of territory was acquired equal to
all we possessed before; and this addition accrued to the special
advantage of those who maintain, as the first great article in their
creed, the wrongs of man. The same European wars which enabled
Mr. Jefferson’s administration to purchase Louisiana with fifteen
millions of dollars,--a sum mostly paid by the north,--brought the
commercial interests of the north also within the destructive sweep
of those contests, and the non-intercourse act and the embargo were
the consequence. These came upon New England at a time when commerce
was her only resource. They brought as great a calamity upon the New
England states as it would now be to the south if their whole cotton
crop, or to the west if their whole grain crop, were to fail for a
series of years. They palsied our industry; and, without industry,
men, any where out of Paradise, will be poor. Upon the back of this
calamity came the war of 1812, which we bore as well as we could, and
performed our full share in carrying the country through it, though
it cut off our very means of living. That war revealed a lamentable
condition of things. It revealed the fact that, notwithstanding our
political independence, we were, in a commercial sense, most deplorably
dependent. It pointed to a new policy. It put the country upon
achieving its second independence,--its independence, at least for the
necessaries of life, of foreign mechanics, manufacturers, and artisans,
as it had already achieved its political independence of foreign kings,
aristocracies, and ecclesiastics. It gave birth to the American system,
in which Calhoun, Lowndes, Cheves, and Clay,--all from the slave
states,--took the lead. I mention the first three names, particularly,
because they were from the state of South Carolina. So heartily did
they enter into the new policy that they took their seats in Congress
clad in homespun. They said they would exemplify their principles
by their garments, and wear them outside as well as inside of their
bodies. I am sorry their principles lasted but little longer than their
clothes,--one suit worn out, and all, both without and within, clean
gone. Even Mr. Madison boasted that his coat was woven in an American
loom. The south led off in this policy, and New England, whose capital
had been wrecked on the ocean, was reluctantly compelled to follow
their lead. This was the origin of the protective tariff, the child of
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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