Reports as to German preparations by Lindbergh and numerous other competent observers had been discounted at home. A naval air attaché at Berlin had been threatened with orders home and accused of being pro-Nazi because he had made a factual report of German preparations. And at the very moment when Tom could arouse no interest in France or England looking to utilization of American products, the Italians, the Germans, the Japanese, and the Russians had come knocking at his door. At the time it was difficult to be selective. As the Four Horsemen jockeyed for advantage in the race for world dominion, no one knew who would be on our side. As it ultimately turned out, all four were against us at one time, what with the Rome-Berlin-Tokyo axis supported by the Russian nonaggression pact. But United Aircraft did draw the line in one situation; we quoted such high prices for our technical assistance that the Russians refused to buy from us. We knew, of course, that this did not prevent their getting whatever they wanted but at least we kept them out of our plants. Tom, having long resided in France, had a strong attachment to the country and its people. Now with Hitler arming, he redoubled his efforts to interest the French Air Ministry in an arrangement which would place our facilities at their command in the emergency. After much delay he had finally succeeded in persuading them to test our engines in their laboratories with a view to “homologuing” them and clearing the way for later purchase, if desired. The engines had met all demands and had even got by in spite of some sand and glass which somehow always tended to get into the test engines. Moving as Tom did in military and diplomatic circles, he had acquired an unusual outlook on the European situation. Yet he had not, as yet, been able to forecast the final line-up. Nazism and communism, though similar under the skin, were natural enemies. If British diplomacy, bent on maintaining the old balance of power on the Continent, could involve Russia and Germany, she might win a respite for western Europe. But if Russian diplomacy could bring Moscow into the Rome-Berlin-Tokyo axis, at least temporarily, Hitler would have a free hand with western Europe—where fifth columns had already penetrated—and might dominate British sea power with an air force based on shore and operating from interior lines. Meanwhile our natural friends abroad scorned our products even as our enemies scrambled to buy our technology.