Social life in England, 1750-1850Foakes-Jackson, F. J. (Frederick John)
History
Social life in England, 1750-1850
Foakes-Jackson, F. J. (Frederick John)
England -- Social life and customs -- 18th century; England -- Social life and customs -- 19th century
The strength of the party was the new aristocracy created by Henry VIII
with the spoils of the monasteries, of which the Cavendishs, Russells,
and other houses were the leaders.[25] They were naturally strongly
Protestant: and their immense power dates from the Revolution in
1688. Their rivals, the Tories, were in opposition till the accession
of George III; and, as their sympathies were all on the side of the
exiled Roman Catholic Stuarts, they had little or no influence. When,
however, George III, a prince born in England, ascended the throne,
the Tories, who bore him no grudge for his treatment of the exiled
royal family, rallied to the young monarch, who was resolved not
to submit, as his grandfather had done, to the tyranny of the Whig
oligarchy. Henceforward the Tories were on the side of the Crown,
whilst their opponents resisted its encroachments. The revolt of the
American colonies, provoked by Mr. Grenville’s Stamp Act, made the
Whigs oppose the King, who was determined to coerce his disaffected
subjects. When the French Revolution broke out, this party sympathised
with the republicans; and were opposed to the war which began in 1792.
Their following consisted of the dissenters and intellectuals: the
former drawing their strength from the commercial classes, and the
latter consisting of young men, enamoured with the cult of reason and
extremely susceptible to new ideas. The bulk of the nation, however,
the Church, the country gentry, the farmers, profiting by war prices,
and even the lower orders, was Tory. The non-aristocratic members of
the Whig party were often great sufferers. They were exposed to mob
violence, as in the case of Dr. Priestley, to social ostracism, and
to vindictive prosecutions by the government. But the great houses
maintained their position and were too strongly entrenched in it to be
seriously disturbed.
Thus we have the spectacle of liberal ideas being championed by a
coterie of great families, haughty, withdrawn from common folk, and
so exclusive that it was almost impossible to gain admission to their
circle. Hereditary exercise of power extending over fully a century
made them skilled politicians; and when they recruited talent from
the middle classes, the Whigs made their allies feel their dependence
upon the ruling caste. Neither the philosophy of Edmund Burke in one
generation, nor the versatility of Henry Brougham in another, prevented
either from the sense of being in a state of dependence on their
patrons.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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