The other bars are lucidly described by Messrs. Spencer and Gillen.[1]
‘There are still further restrictions to marriage ... and it is here
that we are brought into contact with the terms of relationship.’
We find that a woman may belong to a totem kin (and phratry) into
which a man may lawfully marry, ‘yet there is a further restriction
preventing marriage in this particular case.’ Thus a male Dingo (among
the Urabunna) may marry a female Water Hen, as far as ‘phratry’ and
totem are concerned. But he may not marry a woman of the Water Hen
totem if she reckons (1) as his father’s sister (i.e. of his father’s
generation), (2) if she is his child, or his brother’s child (of the
_next_ generation), (3) if she be one of his mother’s younger brother’s
daughters: but he _may_ marry her if she (4) be one of his mother’s
elder brother’s daughters. All women of that category (4) are Nupa, or
nubile, as far as this man goes. In category I, the women (including
‘paternal aunts,’ as we reckon) are of an older generation than the
man; in category 2 they are of a younger generation (including our
‘children’ and ‘nieces’); in category 3 the women include our cousins
on the maternal side, by uncles younger than our mothers, and, in
category 4, they include our cousins on the maternal side, by uncles
older than our mothers. We Europeans, being males, may not marry into
categories 1 and 2, but if not Catholics, we may marry into categories
3 and 4; if Catholics, we may--if we can get a dispensation.
In the Australian system the oddest thing is that a male may marry into
what, in our phrase, includes his younger maternal uncle’s daughter,
but not his elder maternal uncle’s daughter. But we here use the
words ‘uncle,’ ‘aunt,’ and ‘cousin,’ only by way of illustration. The
Urabunna, and tribes of their level generally, have no such words.
All children (category I) ‘of men who are at the same level in the
generation, and belong to the same class and totem, are regarded as
the common children of these men,’ or, perhaps we should rather say,
are called by the same name, Biaka, as a man’s own children are styled.
A man knows very well which children he reckons his own, though, as
will be seen, he has little ground for his confidence. In the same
way a child, though he calls all men of his father’s class, totem,
and level in the generation, _Nia_ (fathers), knows well enough which
_Nia_ feeds him, pets him, thrashes him for his good, and, generally,
plays the paternal part. For example, a man informs you that this or
that native, by personal name Oriaka, is his _Okilia_, ‘and you cannot
possibly tell without further inquiry whether he is the speaker’s own
or tribal brother, that is the son of his own father, or of some man
belonging to the same particular group’ (by ‘phratry,’ totem, and
seniority) ‘as his father.’[2] But you can learn ‘by further inquiry:’
the actual relationship, in our sense of the word, is recognised.
‘GROUP MARRIAGE’
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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