There is much to be said in favor of our schools and universities
entering heartily into the lives of the communities that surround them;
but if the communities are of a spirit hostile or indifferent to culture
they may, and partly do, submerge the latter in their own barbarism. The
democratization of higher traditions must be on a plane of militant
leadership, not of concession, or it is pernicious. Better a real
culture, though in monasteries, than a general vulgarization.
The same considerations may serve to qualify our democratic criticism of
hereditary wealth and of the class differences based upon it. The man
with an inherited competence is in a position to separate himself from
the rush of competition enough to make a fresh estimate of things, and
to use his independence as a fulcrum for starting a new movement. No
doubt the great majority fail to do this; it requires other
qualifications than pecuniary; still, much fruitful initiative in
science, art, literature and social reform has in fact been supplied by
people having this advantage, and until we provide for leisure and
independence in some other way the argument for hereditary wealth will
have force. In the same way the finest ideals of life and conduct—as
distinguished, possibly, from the highest ideals—have often been the
tradition of an upper class, upon which their continuance depended. If
we are to dispense with upper classes we must at the same time provide
for continuous culture groups of a more democratic sort.
It is much the same with national variation as with that of individuals
and groups. Bagehot, in the earliest and perhaps the ablest attempt to
apply Darwinism to society, pointed out that “all great nations have
been prepared in privacy and in secret. They have been composed far away
from all distraction. Greece, Rome, Judea, were framed each by itself,
and the antipathy of each to men of different race and different speech
is one of their most marked peculiarities, and quite their strongest
common property.”[76] In modern life, however, as nations come to share
consciously and with good-will in a common organic life, this
differentiation should not be one of isolation or antipathy, but of
pride in a distinctive contribution to the higher life of the world. I
need hardly add that the independence and individuality of small
nations—which has seemed to be threatened—is essential to the general
good.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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