"Unrestrained Capitalism," says the same writer in explanation of his prediction, "has hitherto invariably meant the physical deterioration of the working class and the marginal disintegration of society--the loosening of social ties and the pushing of marginal members of society over the brink into poverty, pauperism, vagrancy, drunkenness, prostitution, wife desertion and crime, _but this deterioration is not the main indictment against capitalism_, and will be remedied by the wiser capitalists themselves. The main indictment of capitalism is that it selfishly and stupidly blocks the road of orderly and continuous progress for the race." The proposal of the social reformers, as far as the workers are concerned aims to put an end to this deterioration, to standardize industry or to establish a minimum of wages, leisure, health, and industrial efficiency. The writer says that the Socialists aim at something more than this. "The criterion of social justice in every civilized community," he writes, "is, and always has been, not how large or how intense is the misery of the social debtor class, but what is done with the social surplus of industry? It was formerly used to build pyramids, to create a landed or ecclesiastical or literary aristocracy, to conduct wars, or to provide the means of a sensuous life for the majority of a privileged class, and the means of dilettantism for the minority of it. _The difference between the near Socialist and the true Socialist is principally that the main attention of the former is given to the negative side of the social problem--the condition of the submerged classes, while that of the latter is given to the positive side of the problem--the wonderful development, power, and life that would come to that race and the individual if a wise and social use were to be made of the surplus of industry._" FOOTNOTES: [46] "Fabianism and Empire," p. 62. [47] Articles by Hyman Strunsky on Welfare Work, _The Coming Nation_, 1910. [48] do, do. [49] Lloyd George, _op. cit._, p. 93. [50] Lloyd George, _op. cit._, p. 81. [51] Winston Churchill, _op. cit._, p. 101. [52] John A. Hobson, "The Crisis of Liberalism," p. 3. [53] Professor Simon Patten, The Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science, July, 1908. [54] Speech of President Hadley before the Brooklyn Institute of Art and Sciences (1909). [55] A more democratic and truthful view of the German educational system is that of Dr. Abraham Flexner (see the _New York Times_, October 1, 1911). He says that the Germans have to solve the following kind of an educational problem:--