South Africa and the Boer-British War, Volume I: Comprising a History of South Africa and its people, including the war of 1899 and 1900Halstead, Murat
History
South Africa and the Boer-British War, Volume I: Comprising a History of South Africa and its people, including the war of 1899 and 1900
Halstead, Murat
South African War, 1899-1902
"The Government was powerless to control either its white citizens or
its native subjects, and that it was incapable of enforcing its laws or
collecting its taxes; that the Treasury was empty; that the salaries of
officials had been and are for months in arrears; and that sums payable
for the ordinary and necessary expenses of Government cannot be had;
that payment for such services as postal contracts were long and
hopelessly overdue; that the white inhabitants had become split into
factions; that the large native population within the boundaries of the
State ignore its authority and its laws, and that the powerful ruling
king, Cetywayo, is anxious to seize upon the first opportunity of
attacking a country the conduct of whose warriors at Sekukuni's
mountain has convinced him that it can be easily conquered by his
clamoring regiments."
[Sidenote: Kruger's Visit to London]
President Burgers himself recognized the situation, and a month before
the annexation was consummated told the assembled Volksraad that
"matters are as bad as they ever can be; they cannot be worse."
Practically, he supported the policy of Sir T. Shepstone, and shortly
afterwards retired on a pension to live at Cape Town. The Hollanders,
who stood to lose heavily by the supremacy of British ideas and
intelligence in the country, did their utmost to arouse the fanaticism
of the farmers by printed manifestoes and memorials of the most
inflammatory character, but without much success. In the end the only
practical opposition made was the appointment by the expiring Executive
Council, on the day before the Proclamation, of a delegation to England
composed of Mr. Paul Kruger, Vice-President, and Dr. E. J. P.
Jorrissen, Attorney-General. These gentlemen went to London and were
well received personally, and a similar result followed from a second
deputation headed by, Mr. Kruger in 1878. One evil, however, came from
these visits. Instead of the astute Paul Kruger being impressed by the
power of Great Britain, or conciliated by the courtesy of political
leaders, he seems to have been interested chiefly in the study of party
tactics and of the disintegrating influence of politics when carried
into the field of Colonial government and foreign affairs. Coupled
with the knowledge thus gained of a Radical faction which was already
denouncing Lord Carnarvon's Confederation scheme, and of the
anti-expansion views of Mr. Gladstone, Mr. John Morley and Sir William
Harcourt, was a keen appreciation of the strength of the Home Rule
issue then evolving such incipient power in the field of partisan
battle. It was not hard for Mr. Kruger to discern, or hope for, the
coming fall of the Beaconsfield Government; the growing power of a
Radical element which would parallel the case of the Transvaal with
that of Ireland; and a future in which some strong movement in the now
quiet and peace-environed Boer country would result in a reversal of
British policy.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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