rebellion is divided into distinct parts, with no practical
communication between them. Tennessee and Arkansas have been
substantially cleared of insurgent control, and influential citizens in
each, owners of slaves and advocates of slavery at the beginning of the
rebellion, now declare openly for emancipation in their respective
States. Of those States not included in the Emancipation Proclamation,
Maryland and Missouri, neither of which three years ago would tolerate
any restraint upon the extension of slavery into new Territories, only
dispute now as to the best mode of removing it within their own limits.
Of those who were slaves at the beginning of the rebellion, full one
hundred thousand are now in the United States military service, about
one-half of which number actually bear arms in the ranks; thus giving
the double advantage of taking so much labour from the insurgent cause
and supplying the places which otherwise must be filled with so many
white men. So far as tested, it is difficult to say they are not as good
soldiers as any. No servile insurrection or tendency to violence or
cruelty has marked the measures of emancipation and arming the blacks.
These measures have been much discussed in foreign countries, and
contemporary with such discussion the tone of public sentiment there is
much improved. At home the same measures have been fully discussed,
supported, criticized, and denounced, and the annual elections following
are highly encouraging to those whose official duty it is to bear the
country through this great trial. Thus we have the new reckoning. The
crisis which threatened to divide the friends of the Union is passed.
_Letter to Secretary Stanton. Washington. March 1, 1864_
My dear Sir, A poor widow, by the name of Baird, has a son in the army,
that for some offence has been sentenced to serve a long time without
pay, or at most with very little pay. I do not like this punishment of
withholding pay--it falls so very hard upon poor families. After he had
been serving in this way for several months, at the tearful appeal of
the poor mother, I made a direction that he be allowed to enlist for a
new term, on the same condition as others. She now comes, and says she
cannot get it acted upon. Please do it.
_Letter to Governor Michael Hahn. Washington. March 13, 1864_
My dear Sir, I congratulate you on having fixed your name in history as
the first free-State governor of Louisiana. Now you are about to have a
convention, which, among other things, will probably define the elective
franchise. I barely suggest for your private consideration, whether some
of the coloured people may not be let in--as, for instance, the very
intelligent, and especially those who have fought gallantly in our
ranks. They would probably help, in some trying time to come, to keep
the jewel of liberty within the family of freedom. But this is only a
suggestion, not to the public, but to you alone.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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