State of the Union AddressesGrant, Ulysses S. (Ulysses Simpson)
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State of the Union Addresses
Grant, Ulysses S. (Ulysses Simpson)
Presidents -- United States -- Messages; United States -- Politics and government -- Sources
In a former message to Congress I had occasion to consider this question,
and reached the conclusion that the conflict in Cuba, dreadful and
devastating as were its incidents, did not rise to the fearful dignity of
war. Regarding it now, after this lapse of time, I am unable to see that
any notable success or any marked or real advance on the part of the
insurgents has essentially changed the character of the contest. It has
acquired greater age, but not greater or more formidable proportions. It is
possible that the acts of foreign powers, and even acts of Spain herself,
of this very nature, might be pointed to in defense of such recognition.
But now, as in its past history, the United States should carefully avoid
the false lights which might lead it into the mazes of doubtful law and of
questionable propriety, and adhere rigidly and sternly to the rule, which
has been its guide, of doing only that which is right and honest and of
good report. The question of according or of withholding rights of
belligerency must be judged in every case in view of the particular
attending facts. Unless justified by necessity, it is always, and justly,
regarded as an unfriendly act and a gratuitous demonstration of moral
support to the rebellion. It is necessary, and it is required, when the
interests and rights of another government or of its people are so far
affected by a pending civil conflict as to require a definition of its
relations to the parties thereto. But this conflict must be one which will
be recognized in the sense of international law as war. Belligerence, too,
is a fact. The mere existence of contending armed bodies and their
occasional conflicts do not constitute war in the sense referred to.
Applying to the existing condition of affairs in Cuba the tests recognized
by publicists and writers on international law, and which have been
observed by nations of dignity, honesty, and power when free from sensitive
or selfish and unworthy motives, I fail to find in the insurrection the
existence of such a substantial political organization, real, palpable, and
manifest to the world, having the forms and capable of the ordinary
functions of government toward its own people and to other states, with
courts for the administration of justice, with a local habitation,
possessing such organization of force, such material, such occupation of
territory, as to take the contest out of the category of a mere rebellious
insurrection or occasional skirmishes and place it on the terrible footing
of war, to which a recognition of belligerency would aim to elevate it. The
contest, moreover, is solely on land; the insurrection has not possessed
itself of a single seaport whence it may send forth its flag, nor has it
any means of communication with foreign powers except through the military
lines of its adversaries. No apprehension of any of those sudden and
difficult complications which a war upon the ocean is apt to precipitate
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