Studies on Homer and the Homeric Age, Vol. 3 of 3: I. Agorè: Polities of the Homeric Age. II. Ilios: Trojans and Greeks Compared. III. Thalassa: The Outer Geography. IV. Aoidos: Some Points of the Poetry of Homer.Gladstone, W. E. (William Ewart)
Philosophy
Studies on Homer and the Homeric Age, Vol. 3 of 3: I. Agorè: Polities of the Homeric Age. II. Ilios: Trojans and Greeks Compared. III. Thalassa: The Outer Geography. IV. Aoidos: Some Points of the Poetry of Homer.
Gladstone, W. E. (William Ewart)
Civilization, Homeric; Epic poetry, Greek -- History and criticism; Homer
And why did it take effect? Simply because the Assembly, instead of
being the simple medium[204] through which the king acted, was the
arena on which either the will of the people might find a rude and
tumultuary vent, or, on the other hand, his royal companions in arms
could say, as Diomed says, ‘I will use my right and resist your foolish
project in debate; which you ought not to resent.’
[204] Grote ii. 104.
Ἀτρείδη, σοὶ πρῶτα μαχήσομαι ἀφραδέοντι,
ἣ θέμις ἐστὶν, ἄναξ, ἀγορῇ· σὺ δὲ μή τι χολωθῇς.
The proposal of Agamemnon had been heard in silence[205], the mode
by which the army indicated its disinclination or its doubt. But the
counter proposal of Diomed, to fight to the last, was hailed with
acclamation[206];
[205] Il. ix. 30.
[206] Ibid. 50.
οἱ δ’ ἄρα πάντες ἐπίαχον υἷες Ἀχαιῶν,
μῦθον ἀγασσάμενοι Διομήδεος ἱπποδάμοιο·
so that the Assembly was then ripe for the plan of Nestor, which at
once received its approval[207]:
[207] Il. ix. 79.
ὣς ἔφαθ’· οἱ δ’ ἄρα τοῦ μάλα μὲν κλύον, ἠδ’ ἐπίθοντο.
Subsequently, in the βουλὴ of the same Book, Nestor tells Agamemnon
that it is his duty to listen as well as to speak, and to adopt the
plans of others when they are good (100-2). At the same time, the aged
chieftain appears to submit himself to the judgment of Agamemnon in the
Council[208]. His expressions are perhaps matter more of compliment
than of business; and at any rate we do not find any like terms used in
the Assembly.
[208] Ibid. 97.
It was a happy characteristic of heroic Greece, that while she abounded
in true shame, she had no false shame. It was not thought that a king,
who had done wrong, compromised his dignity by atonement; but, on the
contrary, that he recovered it. So says Ulysses, in the Assembly of the
Nineteenth Iliad[209];
[209] Il. xix. 182.
οὐ μὲν γάρ τι νεμεσσητὸν βασιλῆα
ἄνδρ’ ἀπαρέσσασθαι, ὅτε τις πρότερος χαλεπήνῃ.
This passage at once establishes in the most pointed manner both the
right to chide the head of the army, and the obligation incumbent on
him, as on others, where he had given offence to make amends.
Thus then a large liberty of speech and judgment on the part of the
kings or chiefs, when they differed from Agamemnon, would appear
to be established beyond dispute, a liberty which in certain cases
resulted in his being summarily overruled. I cannot therefore here
subscribe even to the measured statement of Mure, who, admits the
liberty of remonstrance, but asserts also the sovereignty of the will
of Agamemnon. Much less to the very broad assertions of Grote, that the
resolutions of Agamemnon appear uniformly to prevail in the Council,
and that the nullity of positive function is still more striking in the
Agorè[210].
[210] Grote’s Hist. vol. ii. pp. 90, 2.
To that institution it is now time for us to turn.
~_Influence of Speech._~
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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