Superstition and Force: Essays on the Wager of Law, the Wager of Battle, the Ordeal, TortureLea, Henry Charles
History
Superstition and Force: Essays on the Wager of Law, the Wager of Battle, the Ordeal, Torture
Lea, Henry Charles
Ordeal; Torture; Wager of battle; Wager of law
The wager of battle thus formed part of the ancestral institutions of
all the races who founded the nations of Europe. With their conversion
to Christianity the appeal was transferred from the heathen deities
to God, who was expected to intervene and decide the battle in favor
of the right.[319] It was an appeal to the highest court and popular
confidence in the arbitrament of the sword was rather strengthened than
diminished. Enlightened lawgivers not only shared, to a greater or
less extent, in this confidence, but were also disposed to regard the
duel with favor as the most practical remedy for the crime of false
swearing which was everywhere prevalent. Thus Gundobald assumes that
its introduction into the Burgundian code arose from this cause;[320]
Charlemagne urged its use as greatly preferable to the shameless oaths
which were taken with so much facility;[321] while Otho II., in 983,
ordered its employment in various forms of procedure for the same
reason.[322] It can hardly be a source of surprise, in view of the
warlike manners of the times, and of the enormous evils for which a
palliative was sought, that there was felt to be advantage in this
mode of impressing upon principals and witnesses the awful sanctity of
the oath, thus entailing upon them the liability of supporting their
asseverations by undergoing the risks of a combat rendered doubly
solemn by imposing religious ceremonies.
Various causes were at work to extend the application of the judicial
duel to all classes of cases. In the primitive codes of the barbarians,
there is no distinction made between civil and criminal law. Bodily
punishment being almost unknown, except for slaves, and nearly all
infractions of the law being visited with fines, there was no necessity
for such niceties, the matter at stake in all cases being simply
money or money’s worth. Accordingly, we find the wager of battle used
indiscriminately, both as a defence against accusations of crime, and
as a mode of settling cases of disputed property, real and personal.
Yet some of the earlier codes refer to it but seldom. The Salic law,
as we have seen, hardly recognizes its existence; the Ripuarian code
alludes to it but four times, and that of the Alamanni but six times.
In others, like the Baioarian, it is appealed to on almost every
occasion, and among the Burgundians we may assume, from a remark of St.
Agobard, that it superseded all evidence and rendered superfluous any
attempt to bring forward witnesses.[323] This variation is probably
rather apparent than real, and if in any of these bodies of laws there
were originally substantial limitations on its use, in time they
disappeared, for it was not difficult to find expedients to justify
the extension of a custom which accorded so perfectly with the temper
of the age. How little reason was requisite to satisfy the belligerent
aspirations of justice is shown by a curious provision in the code
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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