"Why not? It's a bagatelle to me. And the game will soon be up. I can
feed a few thousands in London, but I can't feed a nation. Either I send
a cable to Charleston surrendering to my men or I do not. If I do, it
will cost me half my fortune; if I don't and this frost holds, you'll
see red hell in England before twenty days have run."
"Then the rumours about the strike breaking at Liverpool are true? There
is something in them?"
"There is everything in them. The government can deal with this side if
I deal with the other. It's up to me in the end and I must say 'Yes,' or
'No.' If I say 'Yes,' all America will laugh at me--if I don't, well
who's to charge me? That's the situation, that and your own people, who
are going to give the politicians their day. I tell you, it's a
considerable proposition and is going to make me older before I have
done with it."
He was unusually earnest, and his manner forbade any inquiry as to what
had happened in Downing Street, a matter Trevelle's curiosity would have
probed if it could. To be candid, this polished gentleman, who
indirectly had brought the fact of Faber's presence in England to the
notice of the government, was immensely pleased by the part he had
played in the stirring events of recent days. Not a lover of money, but
a persistent seeker after social credit, when it could be gained by
worthy ends, Trevelle had won distinction in twenty ways: as a founder
of boys' camps, an officer of Territorials, and a promoter of some
schemes which had become national. And here he was in these critical
days by the side of the man whose genius might well be the salvation of
his fellow-countrymen.
Then entered Liverpool a little late in the afternoon, and went at once
to the scene of the strike. It was bitterly cold weather, but nothing to
justify the fearsome stories which had delighted London for some days
past. The strike itself appeared to be the result as much of lack of
work as of any fundamental discontent; starvation had been busy here,
and the fruits of starvation were now to be reaped. As in London,
haggard gangs paraded the streets and clamoured for bread; there were
turbulent scenes in the darker quarters of the city, and not a little of
that unmeasured mischief which ever treads upon the heels of want. An
interview with the men's leaders convinced Faber that America alone
could unlock the doors of this compulsory idleness, and it set his own
responsibility once more in a lurid light. Let him cable that message of
surrender and the end would be at hand; but in that case his own people
would call him a genius no more and Wall Street would deride him. He saw
himself as the enemy of the British people, dominant in victory and yet
upon the eve of a defeat which never could be retrieved. And if this
befell him a woman must answer for it--an ancient story truly.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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