The miners will give the signal on the first of November; the working-class--in case of a revolution--counts upon this movement which must bring them their economic liberation. And the report of the Committee went on to point out the conditions which in its opinion indicated "that the moment had come to try the general strike (_faire la Grève générale_) with strong chances of success."[121] [121] _XII Congrès National Corporatif_ (Lyons, 1901), p. 170. The delegate from the miners said: "If you wish to join us, we will be able not only to strike, but to bring about the revolution; if we were made sure of the co-operation of all trades, even if it were necessary to wait for it two, three, or even six months, we are ready to grant you this concession."[122] [122] _Ibid._, pp. 177-8. The following motion was then adopted: The Congress declares that the General Strike cannot be the means merely of obtaining amelioration for any category of workingmen. Its aim can be only the complete emancipation of the proletariat through the violent expropriation of the capitalist class. The Congress, in view of the situation, declares that the movement which may take place in favor of the miners, the importance or character of which nobody can foresee and which may go to the point of a general emancipation, will be in any case a movement of solidarity which will not impair in the least the revolutionary principle of the general strike of all workingmen.[123] [123] _Ibid._, p. 179. The delegate of the Typographical Union (_La Fédération du Livre_) combated the idea of the general strike and argued that it was impossible in view of the small number of organized workingmen. But his argument had no effect on the Congress. It was rejected as of no importance because the minority of organized workingmen could carry away with it the majority. The question of labor laws was the subject of an animated discussion at the Congress because of its importance. The answer given to this question was to determine the attitude of the General Confederation to legislative reforms and to the State in general. The question was a very practical one. The government of Waldeck-Rousseau (22 June, 1899-6 June, 1902), in which the socialist, Millerand, was Minister of Commerce and Industry, outlined a number of labor laws which touched upon the most vital questions of the labor movement. The most important of these law-projects were on strikes and arbitration, on the composition of the superior Council of Labor, on the institution of Councils of Labor, and on the modification of the law of 1884.