Communism -- Soviet Union; Soviet Union -- History -- Revolution, 1917-1921
The Duma building was crowded. There were still isolated cases of
defiance toward the new Government, but they were rare. The Central
Land Committee had appealed to the Peasants, ordering them not to
recognise the Land Decree passed by the Congress of the Soviets,
because it would cause confusion and civil war. Mayor Schreider
announced that because of the Bolshevik insurrection, the elections to
the Constituent Assembly would have to be indefinitely postponed.
Two questions seemed to be uppermost in all minds, shocked by the
ferocity of the civil war; first, a truce to the bloodshed (See App.
IX, Sect. 3)—second, the creation of a new Government. There was no
longer any talk of “destroying the Bolsheviki”—and very little about
excluding them from the Government, except from the Populist Socialists
and the Peasants’ Soviets. Even the Central Army Committee at the
_Stavka,_ the most determined enemy of Smolny, telephoned from
Moghilev: “If, to constitute the new Ministry, it is necessary to come
to an understanding with the Bolsheviki, we agree to admit them _in a
minority_ to the Cabinet.”
_Pravda,_ ironically calling attention to Kerensky’s “humanitarian
sentiments,” published his despatch to the Committee for Salvation:
In accord with the proposals of the Committee for Salvation and all the
democratic organisations united around it, I have halted all military
action against the rebels. A delegate of the Committee has been sent to
enter into negotiations. Take all measures to stop the useless shedding
of blood.
The _Vikzhel_ sent a telegram to all Russia:
The Conference of the Union of Railway Workers with the representatives
of both the belligerent parties, who admit the necessity of an
agreement, protest energetically against the use of political terrorism
in the civil war, especially when it is carried on between different
factions of the revolutionary democracy, and declare that political
terrorism, in whatever form, is in contradiction to the very idea of
the negotiations for a new Government….
[Graphic, page 227: Leaflet]
Popular leaflet sold in the streets just after the Bolshevik
insurrection, containing rhymes and jokes about the defeated
bourgeoisie and the “moderate” Socialist leaders, Called, “How THE
BOORZHUI (BOURGEOISIE) LOST THE POWER.”
Delegations from the Conference were sent to the Front, to Gatchina. In
the Conference itself everything seemed on the point of final
settlement. It had even been decided to elect a Provisional People’s
Council, composed of about four hundred members—seventy-five
representing Smolny, seventy-five the old _Tsay-ee-kah,_ and the rest
split up among the Town Dumas, the Trade Unions, Land Committees and
political parties. Tchernov was mentioned as the new Premier. Lenin and
Trotzky, rumour said, were to be excluded….
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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