Communism -- Soviet Union; Soviet Union -- History -- Revolution, 1917-1921
Trotzky was very patient. “Let me see the Commandant,” he said. The
soldier hesitated, grumbling something about not wanting to disturb the
Commandant for every devil that came along. He beckoned finally to the
soldier in command of the guard. Trotzky explained matters to him. “My
name is Trotzky,” he repeated.
“Trotzky?” The other soldier scratched his head. “I’ve heard the name
somewhere,” he said at length. “I guess it’s all right. You can go on
in, comrade….”
In the corridor I met Karakhan, member of the Bolshevik Central
Committee, who explained to me what the new Government would be like.
“A loose organisation, sensitive to the popular will as expressed
through the Soviets, allowing local forces full play. At present the
Provisional Government obstructs the action of the local democratic
will, just as the Tsar’s Government did. The initiative of the new
society shall come from below…. The form of the Government will be
modelled on the Constitution of the Russian Social Democratic Labour
Party. The new _Tsay-ee-kah,_ responsible to frequent meetings of the
All-Russian Congress of Soviets, will be the parliament; the various
Ministries will be headed by _collegia_—committees—instead of by
Ministers, and will be directly responsible to the Soviets….”
On October 30th, by appointment, I went up to a small, bare room in the
attic of Smolny, to talk with Trotzky. In the middle of the room he sat
on a rough chair at a bare table. Few questions from me were necessary;
he talked rapidly and steadily, for more than an hour. The substance of
his talk, in his own words, I give here:
“The Provisional Government is absolutely powerless. The bourgeoisie is
in control, but this control is masked by a fictitious coalition with
the _oborontsi_ parties. Now, during the Revolution, one sees revolts
of peasants who are tired of waiting for their promised land; and all
over the country, in all the toiling classes, the same disgust is
evident. This domination by the bourgeoisie is only possible by means
of civil war. The Kornilov method is the only way by which the
bourgeoisie can control. But it is force which the bourgeoisie lacks….
The Army is with us. The conciliators and pacifists, Socialist
Revolutionaries and Mensheviki, have lost all authority—because the
struggle between the peasants and the landlords, between the workers
and the employers, between the soldiers and the officers, has become
more bitter, more irreconcilable than ever. Only by the concerted
action of the popular mass, only by the victory of proletarian
dictatorship, can the Revolution be achieved and the people saved….
“The Soviets are the most perfect representatives of the people—perfect
in their revolutionary experience, in their ideas and objects. Based
directly upon the army in the trenches, the workers in the factories,
and the peasants in the fields, they are the backbone of the
Revolution.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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