Terrestrial and Celestial Globes Volume 1: Their History and Construction Including a Consideration of their Value as Aids in the Study of Geography and AstronomyStevenson, Edward Luther
History
Terrestrial and Celestial Globes Volume 1: Their History and Construction Including a Consideration of their Value as Aids in the Study of Geography and Astronomy
Stevenson, Edward Luther
Geography -- History; Globes
[202] A letter written by Maximilianus Transylvanus to the
Cardinal of Salzburg, dated Valladolid, October, 1522, and
published in Cologne in January, 1523, under the title ‘De
Molucca insulis ...,’ gave the first printed notice of
Magellan’s voyage. See Harrisse. B. A. V. Nos. 122, 123,
124. There are numerous editions of Antonio Pigafetta’s
account of the Magellan voyage, which account is the
principal original source of information concerning that
eventful circumnavigation. See J. A. Robertson (Ed.),
Pigafetta, Antonio. Magellan’s Voyage around the World.
[203] MacNutt, F. A. Letters of Cortes to Charles V. New
York, 1908. This English edition of the letters of Cortes
contains a brief biographical sketch with valuable notes.
Cortes, to the last, appears to have believed in the
existence of a strait through which one might find a shorter
way from Spain to the Indies of the East than was hitherto
known. Sanuto Livio. Geographia distincta. Venitia, 1588.
Argument against the idea of an Asiatic connection is
advanced by Sanuto on the ground that the natives were
frightened at Cortes’s horses. Asiatics were acquainted with
the horse.
[204] Estevan Gomes, who had sailed with Magellan, undertook
in 1524, under a royal commission, “the search for a new
route leading to Cathay between the land of Florida and the
Baccalaos,” says Peter Martyr. Decad VI, lib. x.
[205] In this volume, verso of seventh leaf, Franciscus
states that in attempting to prepare his description of a
globe, he had collected all the maps of the world he could
find. He especially commends one attributed to Maximilianus
Transylvanus, and although constructed with much skill, he
could not agree with its geographical representations,
admitting, however, that many did accept the same, but
objecting to the separation of Calvacania (Mexico) from the
eastern country because he believed it to be joined to the
kingdom of the Great Khan. See Harrisse. Discovery. pp. 281,
548.
[206] Stevenson. Maps illustrating early discovery. No. 10
of this series is a reproduction of Maiollo’s map in the
size and in the colors of the original.
[207] Harrisse. Discovery. p. 546.
[208] Gallois, L. De Orontio Finaeo. Paris, 1890.
[209] Hakluyt, R. Discourse on Western Planting. Ed. by
Charles Deane, with introduction by Leonard Wood. (In: Maine
Historical Society, Collections, second series, ii, and
printed as Documentary History of the State of Maine. Vol.
II. Cambridge, 1877. Chap. XVII, §11, p. 116.)
In chapter 10 of the Discourse Hakluyt refers to the Locke
map and its configurations, which map clearly is a modified
reproduction of Verrazano’s map of 1529.
[210] Harrisse. Discovery. pp. 562-568.
[211] Nordenskiöld. Facsimile Atlas. p. 89. The author
reproduces the Finaeus map from a 1566 reprint, observing
that he was unable to locate a copy of the 1536 edition.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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