The Afghan War of 1879-80: Being a Complete Narrative of the Capture of Cabul, the Siege of Sherpur, the Battle of Ahmed Khel, the Brilliant March to Candahar, and the Defeat of Ayub Khan, with the Operations on the Helmund, and the Settlement with Abdur Rahman KhanHensman, Howard
History
The Afghan War of 1879-80: Being a Complete Narrative of the Capture of Cabul, the Siege of Sherpur, the Battle of Ahmed Khel, the Brilliant March to Candahar, and the Defeat of Ayub Khan, with the Operations on the Helmund, and the Settlement with Abdur Rahman Khan
The capture of Cabul and the dispersion of such of the rebel regiments
as fought at Charasia had a great effect, at first, in showing every
province of Afghanistan that the impregnability of their capital was a
myth. Our arms having been so successful in so short a time, checked the
incipient state of anarchy into which the whole country was fast
falling, as it seemed rational to suppose that an army which in a few
days had captured Cabul would be more than equal to the task of visiting
Charikar, Bamian, or even Balkh, if occasion required a further display
of force. But, as time passed on, and it began to dawn upon the minds of
men somewhat removed from the captured city that we were settling down
for the winter in local quarters, the latent hostility to our presence
in Afghanistan revived. In Turkistan it could scarcely be called a
revival, as it had never died out. In that province were still organized
regiments (well armed and boasting of being in possession of guns),
whose sepoys had never suffered the disgrace of a defeat at our hands.
It was not, therefore, surprising that our attempts to open up
communication with Gholam Hyder, the Afghan Governor of the northern
districts, should have failed. In the first place, it was extremely
difficult to get trustworthy news of what was going on over the
Koh-i-Baba range, and Gholam Hyder’s movements were absolutely unknown.
He was believed to be at Mazar-i-Sharif, or Balkh, and rumours then
reached us that he had left with Nek Mahomed to seek aid from the
Russians over the Oxus. This news was never confirmed; but from
incidents which occurred and were verified in several ways, it
transpired that, wherever Gholam Hyder might be, his power was very
limited. The troops on which he relied for support either revolted, as
in the case of the regiments at Ghori, a post fifty miles south of
Kunduz, the nearest station to Badakshan, on the Balkh, Tashkurgan,
Kunduz, and Faizabad Road, or were deserted by their Generals, who
sought safety with the British. The sepoys knew there was really no
Government in existence, and, with arms in their hands, felt themselves
masters of the situation. Badakshan was in revolt. Ghori and the
district between Balkh and Badakshan could not do better than follow the
example. They did so, and Gholam Hyder’s power was gradually narrowed,
no attention being paid to his commands. To make his position of
Governor still more absurd, an Uzbeg Chief, Mahomed Shah, appropriated
the country about Sar-i-Pul and Maemena, distant only eighty miles to
the west and south-west of Balkh. The nominal Governor of Turkistan,
therefore, found himself at last ruling the tract of country south of
the Oxus, as far as Tashkurgan and Aebak on the east, and Akcha on the
west: southwards, to Bamian, he governed as far as men chose to obey
him, and no further. From Aebak to Akcha, in a bee-line, is less than
130 miles: from the Oxus through Balkh to Bamian is 160 miles. This
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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