The Afghan War of 1879-80: Being a Complete Narrative of the Capture of Cabul, the Siege of Sherpur, the Battle of Ahmed Khel, the Brilliant March to Candahar, and the Defeat of Ayub Khan, with the Operations on the Helmund, and the Settlement with Abdur Rahman KhanHensman, Howard
History
The Afghan War of 1879-80: Being a Complete Narrative of the Capture of Cabul, the Siege of Sherpur, the Battle of Ahmed Khel, the Brilliant March to Candahar, and the Defeat of Ayub Khan, with the Operations on the Helmund, and the Settlement with Abdur Rahman Khan
did not succeed in either; and if we followed their own savage custom,
we should kill every man we could lay hands upon who had joined in the
attack upon our army. But, instead of these bloodthirsty reprisals, the
tribesmen find pursuing them messengers bearing offers of pardon if they
will merely visit Sherpur and make their obeisance to the British
General. They are not asked to submit to any conditions; their safety is
assured; and all that is required of them is that they will frankly say
what their opinions are upon the present state of Afghan politics, and
what suggestions they have to make to guide us in dealing with the
people. Some of the tribal chiefs are either in Sherpur, or on their way
thither; and we shall soon have an opportunity of hearing what their
wishes—if they have any—really are. But, whatever views are put forward,
and whatever points may be yielded by men who are in their hearts most
hostile to us, it will not be enough to take shallow promises as
trustworthy in the future. With all the cunning astuteness of Afghans,
the tribal leaders will come in and will try to outwit us, as they have
always tried before. If we accept their promises and leave them to be
carried out by themselves, they may be looked upon as a dead letter.
Rather would it be better to listen to all that they have to urge in
favour of a new order of things: Kohistanis, Wardaks, Logaris, Ghilzais
of all sections giving their views freely; and then to dismiss them to
their homes, warning them that they must rest peacefully until the
_will_ of the British Government is made known to them. Let a fixed date
be declared on which that _will_ shall be publicly proclaimed; and
whether the decision is that Afghanistan is to be annexed, to be split
up into provinces, or left to fall to pieces by internal disorder after
our return to India, let it be clearly understood that, so long as a
British General remains at Cabul, his orders are the law that is alone
to be regarded. These orders, also, must be enforced, when necessary, by
our soldiers, and something more must be done than sending some sirdar,
alone and unprotected, into tribal districts, to carry out our wishes.
The only fear is that the amnesty may be looked upon as a sign of
weakness on our part, meaning that we dread another uprising; but if,
along with our philanthropic forgiveness, we mix the leaven of military
preparations on a large scale, the eyes of the people will be opened to
our real resources and the power we have at hand to crush rebellion. It
must never occur to us again to be shut up in Sherpur for nine days;
such investments are fatal to our prestige, both here and elsewhere. The
memorandum of a Military Secretary in India, who can seek to reassure
the country by the absurd statement that 2,500 men can garrison a
cantonment with over four miles of walls and trenches to man, must not
be allowed to weigh against the ugly facts we have had to face. With
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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