William was as much pleased as John was enraged at the failure of the
policy of reconciliation. While the majority of the states still hoped
for peace William was determined on independence at all costs. In
August he sent a demand to the representatives to do their duty by the
people, for he did not doubt that they had the right to depose the
tyrant. Never did his prospects look brighter. Help was offered by
Elizabeth and the tide of republican feeling began to rise higher. In
proportion as the laborers were drawn to the party of revolt did the
doctrine of the monarchomachs become liberal. No longer satisfied with
the democracy of corporations and castes of the Middle Ages, the people
began to dream of the individualistic democracy of modern times.
The executive power, virtually abandoned by Don John, now became
centered in a Committee of {268} Eighteen, nominally on fortifications,
but in reality, like the French Committee of Public Safety, supreme in
all matters. This body was first appointed by the citizens of
Brussels, but the States General were helpless against it. It was
supported by the armed force of the patriots and by the personal
prestige of Orange. His power was growing, for, with the capitulation
of the Spanish garrison at Utrecht he had been appointed Statholder of
that province. When he entered Brussels on September 23, he was
received with the wild acclamations of the populace. Opposition to him
seemed impossible. And yet, even at this high-water mark of his power,
his difficulties were considerable. Each province was jealous of its
rights and, as in the American Revolution, each province wished to
contribute as little as possible to the common fund. Moreover the
religious question was still extremely delicate. Orange's permission
to the Catholics to celebrate their rites on his estates alienated as
many Protestant fanatics as it conciliated those of the old religion.
[Sidenote: Archduke Matthew]
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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