The Alhambra and the Kremlin: The South and the North of EuropePrime, Samuel Irenæus
History
The Alhambra and the Kremlin: The South and the North of Europe
Prime, Samuel Irenæus
Europe -- Description and travel
A grand saloon that stretches across the house holds two long tables,
around which are seated thirty or forty men and women, intent, silent,
more statue than life-like. With your eyes closed you would scarcely be
conscious that any one was in the room. The clicking of gold and silver
on the table, the few words of the manager as he decides a point, an
occasional deep-drawn sigh as pent-up emotion finds escape, with now and
then an involuntary exclamation, evidently out of order and quite
disagreeable to all concerned,—these are the only interruptions to the
_solemn_, painful stillness of the Homburg gaming-table. I have heard
that something more startling than an oath or a groan sometimes has
interrupted the current of the play, and that a gambler, in a paroxysm
of rage and despair, has blown out his brains at the table. But such
incidents are not of every-day occurrence. Besides, people who play here
have not many brains to blow out. They are not insane. But as a class,
they are below the average of the human family in intellectual force,
because they stake their money with the knowledge that the chances are
not _even_, are always against them, and in favor of the bank, or
managers of the table. In playing _roulette_, or _rouge et noir_, the
two games which are constantly going on, a bystander sees that the
_taker_ draws in more than he shoves out, and that the tendency of
things is steadily in favor of the bank, while _chance_ favors the
victims just often enough to keep up the hope that they will make a
grand hit by and by and make up all their losses. Yet the game is so
transparently in the hands of the managers, that one wonders any one can
be so big a fool as to lose all his money in such hopeless ventures. The
bank sets up a certain amount of money every day, as the capital for
_that_ day, and stories are told of some heavy gambler now and then
breaking the bank, but that means only that by a fortunate run he has
cleaned out what was set up for the time, and to-morrow it is all right
again with the same or a larger capital. But these stories are mostly
fictitious, set afloat by the bank itself, which, by pretending to be
_broken_, encourages the idea that it is just as apt to lose money as
those who are playing against it.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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