The American Indian as Slaveholder and Seccessionist: An Omitted Chapter in the Diplomatic History of the Southern ConfederacyAbel, Annie Heloise
History
The American Indian as Slaveholder and Seccessionist: An Omitted Chapter in the Diplomatic History of the Southern Confederacy
Abel, Annie Heloise
Indian Territory; Slavery -- United States; United States -- History -- Civil War, 1861-1865
With respect to Indian trade, there was considerable innovation and
considerable modification of existing laws. For years past, the Indians of
the great tribes had chafed under the restrictions which the United States
government had placed upon their trade and, unquestionably, no other
single thing had irritated them more than the very evident monopoly right
which the United States had given to a few white men over it. Indian
trade, under federal regulations, was nothing more nor less than an
extension of the protective policy, a policy that was destructive of all
competition and that put the Indian, often to the contempt of his
intelligence, at the mercy of the white sharper. Indian commissioner after
Indian commissioner had protested against it, but all in vain. George W.
Manypenny, particularly, had tried[288] to effect a change; for he was
himself convinced that, if the Indians were capable of self-government,
they were certainly capable of conducting their own trade. Needless to
say, Manypenny's efforts were entirely unavailing. The Indian trade in the
hands of the licensed white trader, although a pernicious thing for the
Indian, was an exceedingly lucrative business for enterprising American
citizens, white men who were, unfortunately, in possession of the elective
franchise but of little else that was honorable and the government,
controlled by constituents with local interests, dared not surrender it to
the unenfranchised Indians no matter how highly competent they might be.
Thus the Indian country, throughout its entire extent, was exploited for
the sake of the frontiersman. Moreover, the annuity money, a just tax upon
a government that had received so much real estate from the aborigines,
instead of being spent judiciously to meet the ends of civilization and in
such a way as to reflect credit upon the donor, who after all was a
self-constituted guardian, went right back into the pockets of United
States citizens but, of necessity, into those of only a very limited
number of them.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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