Except a few persons, everybody agrees that affairs in Oklahoma are in a bad shape. The Indian Office is doing all that it can through Mr. Sells’ attorneys to bring about desired reforms and protection, but it is exceedingly slow work. We must adopt Miss Barnard’s plan if we desire to save the remaining Indian peoples in Oklahoma. That is, briefly, to arouse the conscience in hundreds of thousands of good citizens in Oklahoma and persuade them to take a firm stand against further despoilation of Indians. The grafters, through their newspapers, have exerted an influence out of all proportion to their strength. They have dominated in Oklahoma. They have even subsidized. One of the newspapers which attacked Hon. George Vaux, Jr., and afterwards was very bitter toward Mr. Mott and myself, received thousands of dollars from an Indian minor child’s estate. This money was used to boom a political journal. All who would save the Indian must stimulate the better class of citizens into action. Attacking grafters, is not bringing into discredit the good name of a great State. I mention this because the grafters raise the cry of State persecution. They do not, however, deny the pauperizing of Indians, or the 30,000 specific cases of fraud. Miss Barnard well answers critics with the statement that we are merely attacking forces of evil. The people of Oklahoma themselves can solve the problem promptly and satisfactorily, if they will assert their rights. All the protection and publicity, and legal procedures in the world will not save the Oklahoma Indians, if the better class of citizens (the great majority) do not take a firm stand for right and justice. The ministers, Miss Barnard claims, are already beginning to preach sermons against graft—all of which indicates a trend of healthy public opinion. Mr. Foreman, who has worked along the same lines as Department of Justice officials, Miss Barnard and Mr. Kelsey, and has been associated with Mr. Mott, takes a rather gloomy view. I present his paragraphs herewith: “In a few short years, Congress has removed the restrictions on the sale of nearly 70 per cent of the 100,000 Indians of the tribes—on all but the full-bloods. The inevitable has overtaken these mixed-bloods from whom Congress released its protecting supervision, and probably not one in ten of them retains even a considerable part of his original allotment of land. “The experiment of turning these mixed-blood Indians loose has been a lamentable mistake. But at least some good should be extracted from it. The lesson should be employed to emphasize the need for protection of the full-blood. The mixed-blood as a land owner is no more. He is gone and there is practically nothing to be done for his class except in the protection of his minor children.