The American Occupation of the Philippines 1898-1912Blount, James H. (James Henderson)
History
The American Occupation of the Philippines 1898-1912
Blount, James H. (James Henderson)
Philippines -- History -- 1898-1946; Philippines -- Politics and government -- 1898-1935
Lack of frankness is usually due to weakness of one sort or
another. The weakness of the Spanish colonial system lay in the
impotent poverty of the home government and the graft tendencies
of the colonial officials. The weakness of the American colonial
system has always lain in the fundamental unfitness of republican
governmental machinery for boldly advocating and honestly enforcing
doctrines which deny frankly and as a matter of course that governments
derive their just powers from the consent of the governed. There
are so many people in a republic like ours who will always stand by
this last proposition as righteous, and as being the chief bulwark
of their own liberties, and so many who will always regard denial
of that proposition as an insidious practice calculated ultimately
to react on their own institutions, that no colonial government of
conquered subject provinces eager for independence can ever have the
sympathy and backing of all our people. Thus it is that to get home
support for the policy, the supreme need of the colonial government
is constant apology for its own existence, and constant effort to
show that the subject people do not really want freedom to pursue
happiness in their own way as badly as their orators say they do;
that the oratory is mere "hot air"; and that the people really like
alien domination better than they seem to.
Always in a mental attitude of self-defence against home criticism,
in its official reports there is ever present with the Philippine
insular government the tendency and temptation not to volunteer to
the American people evidence within its possession calculated to
awaken discussion as to the wisdom of its continuance. It thus usurps
a legitimate function never intended to be delegated to the Executive,
but reserved to the people. It thus makes itself the judge of how much
the people at home shall know. The law of self-preservation prompts
it not to take the American people into its confidence, at least
not that portion of them who are opposed on principle to holding
remote colonies impossible to defend in the event of war without a
large standing army maintained for the purpose. There is always the
apprehension that the value of apparently unfavorable evidence will
not be wisely weighed by the people at home, because of unfamiliarity
with insular conditions. This is by no means altogether vicious. It
is a perfectly natural attitude and a good deal can be said in favor
of it. But the real vice of it lies in the fact that your colonial
government thus becomes not unlike the president of a certain naval
board before which a case involving the commission of an officer of
the navy was once tried. They had no competent official stenographer to
take down all that transpired. The Navy Department was asked for one,
but they referred it to the board. The president of the board knew very
well that "the defence" wanted to show bias on his part. He exuded
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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