With the generosity and delicacy shown alike by generals and soldiers,
it is painful, though instructive, to contrast the coarseness and bad
faith with which Congress proceeded to treat the captured army. The
presence of the troops in and about Boston was felt to be a hardship,
and General Heath, who commanded there, wrote to Washington, saying that
if they were to stay till cold weather he hardly knew how to find
shelter and fuel for them. Washington replied that they would not be
likely to stay long, since it was clearly for Howe's interest to send
them back to England as soon as possible, in order that they might
replace other soldiers who would be sent over to America for the spring
campaign. Congress caught up this suggestion with avidity, and put it to
uses quite remote from Washington's meaning. When Sir William Howe
proposed Newport as a point from which the soldiers might more speedily
be shipped, Washington, for sound and obvious reasons, urged that there
should be no departure from the strict letter of the convention.
Congress forthwith not only acted upon this suggestion so far as to
refuse Sir William Howe's request, but it went on gratuitously and
absurdly to charge the British general with bad faith. It was hinted
that he secretly intended to bring the troops to New York for immediate
service, in defiance of the convention, and Congress proceeded to make
this imputed treachery the ground for really false dealing on its own
part. When Lord Howe's transports reached Boston, it was not only
ordered that no troops should be allowed to embark until all the
accounts for their subsistence should have been settled, but it was also
required that these accounts should be liquidated in gold. In the
instructions given to General Washington a year before, a refusal on the
part of anybody to receive the Continental paper money was to be treated
as a high misdemeanour. Now Congress refused to take its own money,
which had depreciated till it was worth barely thirty cents on a dollar.
The captured army was supplied with provisions and fuel that were paid
for by General Heath with Continental paper, and now Congress insisted
that General Burgoyne should make his repayment dollar for dollar in
British gold, worth three times as much. In fairness to the delegates,
we may admit that in all probability they did not realize the baseness
of this conduct. They were no doubt misled by one of those wonderful
bits of financial sophistry by which the enacting mind of our countrymen
has so often been hopelessly confused. In an amusing letter to
Washington, honest General Heath naïvely exclaims, "What an opinion must
General Burgoyne have of the authority of these states, to suppose that
his money would be received at any higher rate than our own in public
payment! Such payment would at once be depreciating our currency with a
witness." Washington was seriously annoyed and mortified by these
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