The Anti-Slavery Crusade: A Chronicle of the Gathering StormMacy, Jesse
History
The Anti-Slavery Crusade: A Chronicle of the Gathering Storm
Macy, Jesse
Antislavery movements -- United States
The men who saved Kansas to freedom were not abolitionists in the
restricted sense. Governor Walker found in 1857 that a considerable
majority of the free-state men were Democrats and that some were from
the South. Nearly all actual settlers, from whatever source they came,
were free-state men who felt that a slave was a burden in such a country
as Kansas. For example, during the first winter of the occupation of
Kansas, an owner of nineteen slaves was himself forced to work like a
trooper to keep them from freezing; and, indeed, one of them did freeze
to death and another was seriously injured.
In spite of all the advertising of opportunity and all the pressure
brought to bear upon Southerners to settle in Kansas, at no time did the
number of slaves in the Territory reach three hundred. The climate and
the soil made for freedom, and the Governors were not the only persons
who were converted to free-state principles by residence in the
Territory.
CHAPTER XIII. THE SUPREME COURT IN POLITICS
The decision and arguments of the Supreme Court upon the Dred Scott
case were published on March 6, 1857, two days after the inauguration
of President Buchanan. The decision had been agreed upon many months
before, and the appeal of the negro, Dred Scott, had been decided
by rulings which in no way involved the validity of the Missouri
Compromise. Nevertheless, a majority of the judges determined to give
to the newly developed theory of John C. Calhoun the appearance of the
sanctity of law. According to Chief Justice Taney's dictum, those
who made the Constitution gave to those clauses defining the power
of Congress over the Territories an erroneous meaning. On numerous
occasions Congress had by statute excluded slavery from the public
domain. This, in the judgment of the Chief Justice, they had no right to
do, and such legislation was unconstitutional and void. Specifically the
Missouri Compromise had never had any binding force as law. Property in
slaves was as sacred as property in any other form, and slave-owners
had equal claim with other property owners to protection in all the
Territories of the United States. Neither Congress nor a territorial
Legislature could infringe such equal rights.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
Reviews
Reviews
No reviews yet
Be the first to share your thoughts on this work.
Elsewhere in the archive
Join the Discussion
Join the discussion
Sign in to leave a comment or review.
Sign InorCreate an account