The plan advocated in this paper includes the civil-service act as one
of its essential terms, for without it we run the risk of having, for a
time at least, boss-ownership instead of public ownership of the
telegraph. The recent extension of the civil-service act to 30,000 new
positions, argues well for the future of this great reform.[12] That
such an order should have come from President Cleveland, who has not
been noted for his absence of partisan feeling, indicates that the
election of a man of thorough independence would probably complete the
transformation of our service. Even without that, the work will be done
by the piece, each president ordering a section into line at the end of
his term when the delay of justice can no longer aid his own political
purposes, but may, on the contrary, strengthen his successor. Or he may
act before the end of his term and from less selfish motives; the main
thing for the nation is that he act.
[12] ARENA, Dec. 1895, pp. 51-2.
19. The public ownership of the telegraph will remove one of the
antagonisms that weaken the cohesion of society and retard the
development of civilization.[13]
[13] See Part VIII, ARENA, August, 1896.
20. It will be a step toward coöperation and partnership, away from
private monopoly, usurpations, and taxation without representation.[14]
[14] See Parts VIII and IX, ARENA, Aug. and Sept. 1896.
* * * * *
Let us now see what the defendants have to say; that means the Western
Union, for, as Mr. Bell said to the Senate Committee on Post offices and
Post roads, May 20th, 1896:
The only persons who have ever put in an appearance in opposition
to this measure, have been the officers, attorneys, and agents of
the telegraph companies. No representative of the people has ever
opposed it.[15]
[15] Sen. Doc. 291, 54-1, p. 18.
THE PROVISIONAL GOVERNMENT OF THE CUBANS.
BY THOMAS W. STEEP.
When the recognition of belligerency was argued for the Cubans by the
friends of Cuba in Congress, it became a question of pivotal importance
as to whether the Cubans had a government to recognize as dual to that
of Spain; whether the government, if any, was merely nominal or
chimerical; whether, if existing and operating, it had the potency to
receive recognition and thus justify such action by the United States.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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