[15] This Teutonic word is in full acceptation in the sixth century. [16] Agathias. [17] Though often called ‘bipennis’ it had not necessarily two blades, that word having become a mere general name for ‘axe.’ [18] See Hewitt’s Ancient Armour, vol. i. 8. [19] ‘Terrae glacialiter adstricti’ are the Chronicler’s words. [20] Capitularies, ed. Baluz, i. 508. [21] A short weapon like the ‘francisca,’ not the long Danish axe which afterwards became the national arm. [22] If these were the ‘lignis imposita saxa’ of which the Norman chronicler of Hastings spoke, as being English weapons. [23] Anglo-Saxon Chronicle, under A.D. 866 and passim. [24] See in the Roman de Rou, ii. 262:-- ‘Hoem ki od hache volt ferir, Od sez dous mainz l’estuet tenir. Ne pot entendre a sei covrir, S’il velt ferir de grant aïr. Bien ferir e covrir ensemble Ne pot l’en fair ço me semble.’ [25] The fate of the only one of Wellington’s squares which attempted to deploy, in order to drive off the infantry which were annoying it, may well be compared with that of Harold’s soldiery. ‘The concentrated fire of this close line of skirmishers was now telling heavily upon the devoted squares of Alten’s division. It was, however, impossible to deploy, as in the hollow, near La Haye Sainte, there lay in wait a body of the enemy’s cavalry. At last the 5th line-battalion of the King’s German Legion, forsaking its square formation, opened out, and advanced against the mass of tirailleurs. The French gave way as the line advanced at the charge; at the next moment the battalion was furiously assailed by a regiment of cuirassiers, who, taking it in flank, fairly rolled it up. So severe was the loss sustained, that out of the whole battalion not more than 30 men and a few officers were gradually collected in their former position.’ (Siborne’s History of the Waterloo Campaign, ii. pp. 114-15.) [26] Πελεκυφóρος {Pelekuphóros} had become such a mere synonym for Englishmen at Constantinople, that Anna Comnena considers that she defines Robert of Normandy sufficiently, when she calls him ‘the brother of the King of the Πελεκυφóροι {Pelekuphóroi}.’ [27] For these details see Anna Comnena’s Life of Alexius. She calls the commander of the Varangians Ναμéτης {Namétês} or Ναμπéτης {Nampétês}: what English or Scandinavian name can this represent? Considering the remote resemblance of some of Anna’s Western names to their real forms, it is perhaps hopeless to expect an answer. [28] See especially:--Maurice’s Stratêgikon (Upsala 1664), written about A.D. 595; Leo’s Tactica (Leyden 1612), written about A.D. 900; Nicephorus Phocas’ ΠΕΡΙ ΠΑΡΑΔΡΟΜΗΣ ΠΟΛΕΜΟΥ {PERI PARADROMÊS POLEMOU} (in Migne’s Patrologia), written about A.D. 960. [29] Gibbon, v. p. 382. [30] Nic. Pho. Περὶ παραδρόμης πολέμου {Peri paradromês polemou}, § 17. [31] Nothing better attests the military spirit of the Eastern aristocracy than their duels: cf. the cases of Prusian, etc., in Finlay’s Greece.