The ascendancy of France, 1598-1715Wakeman, Henry Offley
History
The ascendancy of France, 1598-1715
Wakeman, Henry Offley
Europe -- History -- 17th century
Ill-success dogged their well-meant efforts from the first. In the
previous year, Louis had at the last moment found reasons to recall
his verbal permission to Mansfeld to cross the soil of France, and the
troops had been sent instead into the Low Countries, where, unpaid and
unprovided with necessaries, they fell victims to disease. The naval
expedition, which, under Wimbledon’s leadership, arrived at Cadiz in
the October of 1625, achieved nothing but disaster and contempt.
In England quarrels broke out between Charles and his Parliaments,
which effectually prevented the payment of the promised subsidies to
Christian IV. [Sidenote: =Difficulties of Ferdinand.=] Nevertheless the
united forces of Mansfeld, Christian of Brunswick, and Christian of
Denmark, ill provided as they were, far outnumbered the army of Tilly
and the League, and it was clear to Ferdinand and Maximilian that with
discontent seething in Silesia, Bohemia, and Austria, with Bethlen
Gabor again threatening the frontiers of Hungary, and the Danish forces
invading upper Germany, it was absolutely essential to place another
army in the field. Yet where was it to come from? The Emperor could not
stoop to employ a brigand army paid by plunder like that of Mansfeld,
but the resources of Maximilian and the League were strained to the
utmost. Spain, threatened alike by England and France, could spare
nothing, and Ferdinand’s treasury was as usual empty.
[Sidenote: =Wallenstein.=]
It was in this crisis that a man stepped forward to the help of
Ferdinand, who is in some ways the most interesting figure of the
Thirty Years’ War. Albert von Waldstein, or Wallenstein, was the
younger son of an illustrious Bohemian family of Sclavonic blood.
Educated partly by the Moravian Brethren and partly by the Jesuits,
he never surrendered himself dogmatically to either creed, but out of
the mysticism of both constructed for himself a religion, which, not
unlike that of Napoleon afterwards, chiefly expressed itself in an
unfailing belief in his own star. Thus removed somewhat apart from the
controversies of the day, he was able to see more clearly through the
mists which darkened the eyes of ordinary politicians. Statesmanship
as well as interest and tradition led him to devote himself to the
cause of the Emperor, as the one stable element in Germany among the
disintegrating influences of rival religions and personal jealousies.
True patriotism made common cause with ambition to urge him to risk
much to keep the foreigner out of Germany. Common sense allied with
dogmatic indifference made him see more clearly than others, that in
toleration for all creeds lay the only possibility of civil unity. But
statesman and patriot though he was in his conception of the real needs
of Germany and the necessity of resisting foreign interference, his
statesmanship and his patriotism were never allowed to free themselves
from the trammels of an overmastering ambition. In the settlement of
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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