The Assault: Germany Before the Outbreak and England in War-TimeWile, Frederic William
History
The Assault: Germany Before the Outbreak and England in War-Time
Wile, Frederic William
World War, 1914-1918
Mr. Punch and his lesser _confrères_ in British humor have almost lived
through the war on _Gott strafe England_! The sentiment has not struck
terror into John Bull’s heart, but it has very materially added to his
war-time gaiety.
Next to the Hate epidemic, the mystifying account of themselves which
the German Social Democrats have given during the war stands out as the
main phenomenon. I have asked myself more than once what might have
been if Bebel, the brains, or Singer, the fists, of the old-time
Socialistic movement had been alive in August, 1914. Certainly the
utter failure of the Socialists to hamper the operation of the German
war-machine will remain forever one of the amazing episodes of the war.
It will rank, of course, also, as one of the blazing miscalculations of
the Fatherland’s enemies. It is true that Bebel, the long-time autocrat
of the German "Reds," proclaimed often enough that when Germany was in
peril, he and his Genossen would shoulder the musket with a will. Yet
the suspicion always lurked that when the German War Party’s time came
and it essayed to drag the German people across the Rubicon, the Social
Democracy, with 4,250,000 voters, 111 members of parliament and German
trades-unionism almost solidly behind it, would be found standing like
an insuperable barrier against the powers of aggression. There had been
more than one hint that working-class Germany, in that hour, would not
shrink from utilizing the potent weapon of the General Strike to stay
the hand of the war zealots. Opinion on that score amounted to almost
positive conviction in non-Socialistic Germany and throughout Europe, in
case the test were to be forced by a German war of manifestly
provocative character. It therefore was of prime importance to the
clique which engineered the war that the Social Democracy be made to
believe, forthwith and implicitly, that the impending conflict was a
"defensive war," to which Socialist leaders had always pledged the
proletariat’s unswerving support. Categorical and lachrymose assurances
to that effect were accordingly given to the Social Democratic group of
the Reichstag by the Imperial Chancellor in the confidential conferences
with the parties, which preceded the public session of the House on
August 4, 1914. The once-despised "Reds," so often denounced by William
II as "men without a country," but whose votes in the national
legislature were now so essential to the show of Imperial unity with
which Germany desired to go to war, were supplied with ample "evidence"
that Germany’s cause was "just." She had been "fallen upon" by
ruthless, envious enemies, the struggle about to begin would be waged by
the Fatherland in "defense" of its holiest national interests, and the
support of all classes was essential to the waging of the fight with
which nothing short of "the Empire’s existence" was was bound up. The
Socialists listened, patriotically, to this siren song. They believed
its tale of woe.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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